The Cold War was not only about the imperial ambitions of the super powers, their military strategies, and antagonistic ideologies. It was also about conflicting worldviews and their correlates in the daily life of the societies involved. The term “Cold War Culture” is often used in a broad sense to describe media influences, social practices, and symbolic representations as they shape, and are shaped by, international relations. Yet, it remains in question whether — or to what extent — the Cold War Culture model can be applied to European societies, both in the East and the West. While every European country had to adapt to the constraints imposed by the Cold War, individual development was affected by specific conditions as detailed in these chapters. This volume offers an important contribution to the international debate on this issue of the Cold War impact on everyday life by providing a better understanding of its history and legacy in Eastern and Western Europe.

"Beyond the Global Culture War" presents a cross-cultural critique of global liberalism and argues for a broad-based challenge that can meet it on its own scale. Adam Webb is one of our most exciting and original young scholars, and this book is certain to generate many new debates. This timely volume probes many of the key challenges we face in the new millennium. This is essential reading for all students of politics and globalization.

What didn't you like about the 1990s--the peace or the prosperity? Setting aside nostalgia for the end of the 20th century, this book takes a candid look at the decade after the Cold War and before 9/11, when America's culture war began with the election of a media-savvy, Baby Boomer president (and his liberal feminist wife). Bill Clinton's postmodern administration betokened gay equality, an education-based labor force and a race and gender-diverse workplace and government, panicking conservatives and sparking the 1994 Republican Revolution. Meanwhile, with the advent of the 24-hour cable news cycle and the Internet, a media "punditocracy" arose. Parsing every event from the O.J. Simpson trial to the Monica Lewinsky scandal, commentators and talk show hosts spun news, politics and pop culture until they became one thing. Beginning with the "Red and Blue" partitioning of America that would nurture the Tea Party, and ending with the 9/11 attacks, this examination of the 1990s demonstrates how the decade shaped the world we live in today.

No matter what anyone tells you, we’re in a war—a culture war. Our morality is at stake, and our children are growing up in a dangerous world. We’re hearing conflicting things online and from the media; our fellow citizens are becoming lazy, relying on the service of the government and the kind hearts of the religious. The best thing we can do in these troubled times is open our minds to the truth. The real truth, not the truth spouted in fake news and reports. Whether you’re conservative or liberal, you can agree that the United States of America needs some old-fashioned TLC. Neither political party is perfect, and focusing on our disagreements isn’t solving our problems. Instead, think back to our Constitution. Think back to our Founding Fathers. Is this really the nation we made? Can we really justify pandering to today’s society? I’m asking for your eyes and ears, just for a short time. I’m no politician, no expert of any kind, but I implore you to rethink what it means to be an American. Let’s make a more perfect union together for this is a country of the people, for the people, and by the people.

Peter Kreeft examines the true nature of the "culture war" today, identifies the real enemies facing the church and maps out a strategy for battle.

Across nineteenth-century Europe, the emergence of constitutional and democratic nation-states was accompanied by intense conflict between Catholics and anticlerical forces. At its peak, this conflict touched virtually every sphere of social life: schools, universities, the press, marriage and gender relations, burial rites, associational culture, the control of public space, folk memory and the symbols of nationhood. In short, these conflicts were 'culture wars', in which the values and collective practices of modern life were at stake. These 'culture wars' have generally been seen as a chapter in the history of specific nation-states. Yet it has recently become increasingly clear that the Europe of the mid- and later nineteenth century should also be seen as a common politico-cultural space. This book breaks with the conventional approach by setting developments in specific states within an all-European and comparative context, offering a fresh and revealing perspective on one of modernity's formative conflicts.

This book aims to understand the European political debate about contentious issues, framed in terms of religious values by religious and/or secular actors in 21st century. It specifically focuses on the Italian case, which, due to its peculiar history and contemporary political landscape, is a paradigmatic case for the study of the relationships between religion and politics. In recent years, a number of controversies related to religious issues have characterised the European public debate at both the EU and the national level. The ‘affaire du foulard’ in France, the referendum on abortion in Portugal, the recognition of same-sex marriages in many Western European States, the debate over bioethics and the regulation of euthanasia are only a few examples of contentious issues involving religion. This book aims to shed light on the interrelation between these different debates, as well as their broader meaning, through the analysis of the paradigmatic case of Italy. Italy summarizes and sometimes exasperates wider European trends, both because of the peculiar role traditionally played by the Vatican in Italian politics and for the rise, since the 1990s, of new political entrepreneurs eager to exploit ethical and civilizational issues. This work will be of great interest to scholars and students of a number of fields within the disciplines of political science, sociology and law, and will be useful for courses on religion and politics, political parties, social movements and civil society.