In post-colonial countries such as Guyana, the legacy of colonialism and its influence on policing and society is of crucial significance in developing an explanation for police violence and police-caused homicide. Mars applies a contextual approach, grounded in the conflict theoretical perspective, to explain and understand variations in police violence over time, and she extends her study to include the social, political, and legal structure in which such actions are embedded. Her findings support the notion that police violence is a function of decades of coercive state rule under British colonialism, as well as the state's legitimization of violence in police work. In this first study on police violence and homicide in Guyana, Mars presents and analyzes data covering a 14-year period. She also provides comparative and descriptive information on the use of excessive and deadly force by the police, and, in addition, discusses laws relating to such incidents. Mars finds little support for the community violence hypothesis in reference to Guyana and concludes instead that the level of violence in the community and the everyday dangers of police work does not significantly influence the rates of police-caused homicide in that country.

The Oxford Handbook of Caribbean Constitutions offers a detailed and analytical view of the constitutions of the Caribbean region, examining the constitutional development of its diverse countries. The Handbook explains the features of the region's constitutions and examines themes emerging from the Caribbean's experience with constitutional interpretation and reform. Beginning with a Foreword from the former President of the Caribbean Court of Justice and an Introduction by the lead editor, Richard Albert, the remainder of the book is divided into four parts. Part I, 'Caribbean Constitutions in the World', highlights what is distinctive about the constitutions of the Caribbean. Part II covers the constitutions of the Caribbean in detail, offering a rich analysis of the constitutional history, design, controversies, and future challenges in each country or group of countries. Each chapter in this section addresses topics such as the impact of key historical and political events on the constitutional landscape for the jurisdiction, a systematic account of the interaction between the legislature and the executive, the civil service, the electoral system, and the independence of the judiciary. Part III addresses fundamental rights debates and developments in the region, including the death penalty and socio-economic rights. Finally, Part IV features critical reflections on the challenges and prospects for the region, including the work of the Caribbean Court of Justice and the future of constitutional reform. This is the first book of its kind, bringing together in a single volume a comprehensive review of the constitutional development of the entire Caribbean region, from the Bahamas in the north to Guyana and Suriname in South America, and all the islands in between. While written in English, the book embraces the linguistic and cultural diversity of the region, and covers the Anglophone Caribbean as well as the Spanish-, French-, and Dutch-speaking Caribbean countries.

This book is about Anglo-American involvement in the reopening of the border controversy between Guyana, formerly British Guiana, and Venezuela. The dispute over the border commenced in the mid-nineteenth century when Venezuela asserted a claim to some two-thirds of the territory of the British colony. Great Britain’s refusal to refer the delimitation of the border to arbitration developed into a major crisis in Anglo-American affairs in 1895. The United States had assessed the issue as a major challenge to the Monroe Doctrine and it would provoke the two English-speaking powers close to military conflict. In 1899, an arbitral tribunal met in Paris and agreed unanimously on the boundary line between British Guiana and Venezuela. That boundary line has been universally accepted. In 1962 at the height of the Cold War, Venezuela repudiated the award claiming that it was a “political deal”. Fidel Castro had assumed power in Cuba and there were anxieties about the spread of Communism in the Americas, particularly in British Guiana during the pre-independence premiership of Marxist oriented Cheddi Jagan. Cedric Joseph examines the primary documents relating to the diplomacy of the administrations of John F Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. He explores their special relationships, sympathies and acute predisposition towards Venezuela that permitted the reopening of the boundary issue and ultimately sacrificed the territorial integrity of Guyana. He also establishes the collusion between Suriname’s claim to territory in Guyana and the Venezuelan claim.

This book is one of the few studies of how the rule of law has fared in a developing country since it achieved independence.

"This is an important collection that brings together the work of scholars from North America, South America, and Europe to reveal the anthropological significance of Guayana, the ancient realm of El Dorado and still the scene of gold and diamond mining. Beginning with the earliest civilizations of the region, the chapters focus on the historical ecology of the rain forest and the archaeological record up to the sixteenth century, as well as ethnography, ethnology, and perceptions of space. The book features extensive discussions of the history of a range of indigenous groups, such as the Waiwai, Trio, Wajapi, and Palikur. Contributions analyze the emergence of a postcolonial national society, the contrasts between the coastlands and upland regions, and the significance of race and violence in contemporary politics." "A noteworthy study of the prehistory and history of the region, the book also provides a useful survey of the current issues facing northeastern Amazonia. The essays --

Musical Life in Guyana is the first in-depth study of Guyanese musical life. It is also a richly detailed description of the social, economic, and political conditions that have encouraged and sometimes discouraged musical and cultural creativity in Guyana. The book contributes to the study of the interactions between the policies and practices by national governments and musical communities in the Caribbean. Vibert C. Cambridge explores these interactions in Guyana during the three political eras that the society experienced as it moved from being a British colony to an independent nation. The first era to be considered is the period of mature colonial governance, guided by the dictates of “new imperialism,” which extended from 1900 to 1953. The second era, the period of internal self-government and the preparation for independence, extends from 1953, the year of the first general elections under universal adult suffrage, to 1966, the year when the colony gained its political independence. The third phase, 1966 to 2000, describes the early postcolonial era. Cambridge reveals how the issues of race, class, gender, and ideology deeply influenced who in Guyanese multicultural society obtained access to musical instruction and media outlets and thus who received recognition. He also describes the close connections between Guyanese musicians and Caribbean artists from throughout the region and traces the exodus of Guyanese musicians to the great cities of the world, a theme often neglected in Caribbean studies. The book concludes that the practices of governance across the twentieth century exerted disproportionate influence in the creation, production, distribution, and consumption of music.

The record of the International Court of Justice and its predecessor, the old Permanent Court of International Justice, extends back now for about three quarters of a century. During that time the Court has been transformed from a Western (Eurocentric) tribunal in terms both of its judges and also the disputes it was called on to resolve, to an institution broadly representative of the layered, pluralistic world community of today. This is reflected in the fiercely contested battles for election to the Court or the regular triennial elections, and also in the angry denunciations of the Court as a `political' tribunal rendering `political' decisions, launched by some national foreign Ministry spokesmen in reaction to Court judgments involving their own states or what they consider as their own vital interests. Within the Court's ranks in recent years there has been a marked philosophical division between those judges (usually from Western or Western-influenced states) who have sought to maintain traditional positivist, strict construction (`neutral') approaches, and those who would in American legal Realist-style, essay a more frankly critical, liberal activist rôle in the up-dating or re-making of old legal doctrines inherited from earlier eras in international relations. The intellectual-legal conflicts within the Court are canvassed in some of the major political-legal cases of recent years (South West Africa and Namibia; Nuclear Tests; Western Sahara; Nicaragua v. US). The contemporary rôle of the Court and its relation to and cooperation with other principal United Nations (especially the General Assembly) organs, in World Community problem-solving, are fully explored, in terms of the potential problems but also the opportunities and challenges for the Court and its judges today in an historical era of transition and rapid change in the World Community.