Interweaving political, intellectual, cultural and diplomatic histories, Tsui demonstrates how the Guomindang's national revolution turned conservative after the 1927 anti-Communist coup and contributed to the ascendancy of the global radical right. This revisionist reading of Nationalist China will appeal to a wide range of students and scholars.

This is a novel, transnational exploration of the major Chinese intellectual debates on radicalism in history, culture, and politics after 1989.

What does it mean to be a conservative in Republican China? Challenging the widely held view that Chinese conservatism set out to preserve traditional culture and was mainly a cultural movement, this book proposes a new framework with which to analyze modern Chinese conservatism. It identifies late Qing culturalist nationalism, which incorporates traditional culture into concrete political reforms inspired by modern Western politics, as the origin of conservatism in the Republican era. During the May Fourth period, New Culture activists belittled any attempts to reintegrate traditional culture with modern politics as conservative. What conservatives in Republican China stood for was essentially this late Qing culturalist nationalism that rejected squarely the museumification of traditional culture. Adopting a typological approach in order to distinguish different types of conservatism by differentiating various political implications of traditional culture, this book divides the Chinese conservatism of the Republican era into four typologies: liberal conservatism, antimodern conservatism, philosophical conservatism, and authoritarian conservatism. As such, this book captures – for the first time – how Chinese conservatism was in constant evolution, while also showing how its emblematic figures reacted differently to historical circumstances.

Hong Yung Lee’s account of the Cultural Revolution illuminates its complexities and subtleties to an unprecedented degree. His primary concern is with the behavior of the masses once they were freed from party control, and his analysis of voluminous Red Guard publications highlights the different membership characteristics, positions, and strategies of both the student Red Guards and the worker Revolutionary Rebels, divided internally along a conservative-radical line. Rejecting the ideologically oriented assumption that workers and students of worker or peasant origin comprised the majority of the radical elements, Lee argues that students of bourgeois and other “bad” origins, workers in small factories, “sent-down” students, and demobilized soldiers were the radicals, whereas students from families with pre-1949 revolutionary careers and workers in large-scale and modern enterprises were found in large numbers among the conservatives. He contends that, contrary to some social science theories, the radicals were motivated by rational rather than ideological considerations, and that they attacked the status quo because it was they who experienced discrimination under the existing political system, whereas the conservatives generally belonged to favored social groups. Lee demonstrates that an adequate history of the Cultural Revolution cannot restrict itself to an analysis of policy difference among the elites, but must consider the behavior of the masses and their relationship with the elites. This title is part of UC Press’s Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1978.

Conservative Thought in Contemporary China examines the evolution of conservative politics in China, which has become increasingly prevalent following the death of Mao Zedong in 1978. Peter Moody traces the roots of conservatism through the imperial system, the Republican period, and the pre-Cultural Revolution People's Republic, all of which influence contemporary Chinese politics.

This is the first book to examine the role that China played in the evolution of conservatism in postwar America. Historian Joyce Mao shows how, as the Cold War crystallized, political survival demanded that the Right s emphasis on small government be tempered by a proactive foreign policy that could contend with the communist threat. As an alternative to containment, their new platform combined hostility toward the United Nations, assertion of American sovereignty in diplomatic affairs, selective military intervention, strident anticommunism, and the promotion of a technological defense state. These conservative tenets, which are now so familiar to observers of American politics, were articulated in part in debates over US-China relations after WWII. Conservatives invoked the loss of China to critically assess liberal policies and lament what they saw as the corrosion of traditional values. Their insistence that the US take greater interest and action in the Far Pacific was known as the policy of Asia First, and China was its signature issue. The combination of anticommunism and Orientalist paternalism struck a chord with the public. Conservative politicians allied with the growing number of pro-Chiang activists in the private sector and at the grassroots level, revitalizing the party in the process. Mao argues that, although the policy of Asia First had only a minor impact on East Asian affairs, it played a major role in the evolution of American conservatism, and its effects are still being felt today."

In The Third Revolution, Elizabeth Economy, one of America's leading China scholars, provides an authoritative overview of contemporary China that makes sense of all of the seeming inconsistencies and ambiguities in its policies and actions.