Interweaving political, intellectual, cultural and diplomatic histories, Tsui demonstrates how the Guomindang's national revolution turned conservative after the 1927 anti-Communist coup and contributed to the ascendancy of the global radical right. This revisionist reading of Nationalist China will appeal to a wide range of students and scholars.

This book presents the histories of the revolutions in Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela as the latest demonstrations of the price the popular masses pay for the absence of a correct revolutionary strategy. The goal of the leaders of the revolutionary movements in all three countries was to create a progressive, independent bourgeois-democratic state but contrary to expectations, the national bourgeoisie did not welcome a national democratic revolution. Instead, faced with a mass movement, it fought hard to re-assert its own and US imperialism’s economic and political stranglehold, opposing increased democratic rights, greater social equality, agrarian reform and the redistribution of wealth. We trace how, in all three countries, the national bourgeoisie joined forces with imperialism and used violent methods to reverse the progressive measures made, and when these attempts failed carried on a campaign of economic sabotage to starve the masses into submission. In Cuba the revolution was propelled forward by abolishing capitalism and enormous conquests were made. In Nicaragua and Venezuela, the revolution was stopped half way, leading to disaster and defeat. As the world enters a decisive revolutionary epoch, reformists, just as they did in Nicaragua and Venezuela, attempt to hold that revolution back. In the face of all experience, their solution to social crises is one which stubbornly remains within the narrow limits of capitalism. This book is a contribution to the debate about revolutionary strategy. It highlights the lessons to be learned from the recent past, argues against the failed reformist approach and draws the conclusion that only through the workers coming to power and expropriating the oligarchy can we begin to overcome the exploitation and oppression of the masses.

This book is a comprehensive analysis of the revolutionary history of China, from the early 20th century to the present era of crisis, aided by a wealth of research which cuts across the many historical distortions both of bourgeois academia and of the Chinese Communist Party. This book answers the questions: What was the class composition and class nature of the Chinese Communist Party when it took power in 1949? What forces pushed the Mao regime, despite its explicitly class-collaborationist strategy, to take measures which were objectively socialist and to establish the Chinese workers’ state? The Chinese Revolution was a practical test of both Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution and Mao’s theory of uninterrupted revolution by stages. Which theory matched reality? The degeneration of the Chinese People’s Republic to capitalism has been a second rigorous practical test of Trotsky’s analyses. Has his prognosis that without a political revolution to overthrow the regime, a Stalinist bureaucratic state would return to capitalism, been proved correct?

Afterlives of Chinese Communism comprises essays from over fifty world- renowned scholars in the China field, from various disciplines and continents. It provides an indispensable guide for understanding how the Mao era continues to shape Chinese politics today. Each chapter discusses a concept or practice from the Mao period, what it attempted to do, and what has become of it since. The authors respond to the legacy of Maoism from numerous perspectives to consider what lessons Chinese communism can offer today, and whether there is a future for the egalitarian politics that it once promised.

The ideas of Lenin and Trotsky are without doubt the most distorted and slandered ideas in history. For more than 100 years, they have been subjected to an onslaught from the apologists of capitalism, who have attempted to present their ideas – Bolshevism – as both totalitarian and utopian. An entire industry was developed in an attempt to equate the crimes of Stalinism with the regime of workers' democracy that existed under Lenin and Trotsky. It is now more than fifty years since the publication of the first edition of this work. It was written as a reply to Monty Johnstone, who was a leading theoretician of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Johnstone had published a reappraisal of Leon Trotsky in the Young Communist League's journal Cogito at the end of 1968. Alan Woods and Ted Grant used the opportunity to write a detailed reply explaining the real relationship between the ideas of Lenin and Trotsky. This was no academic exercise. It was written as an appeal to the ranks of the Communist Party and the Young Communist League to rediscover the truth about Trotsky and return to the original revolutionary programme of Lenin. Also included in this new edition is Monty Johnstone's original Cogito article, as well as further material on Lenin's struggle with Stalin in the last month of his political life. The foreword is written by Trotsky's grandson, Vsievolod Volkov.

In The Third Revolution, Elizabeth Economy, one of America's leading China scholars, provides an authoritative overview of contemporary China that makes sense of all of the seeming inconsistencies and ambiguities in its policies and actions.