For most of the twentieth century, the Conservative Party engaged in an ongoing struggle to curb the power of the trade unions, culminating in the radical legislation of the Thatcher governments. Yet, as this book shows, for a brief period between the end of the Second World War and the election of Harold Wilson's Labour government in 1964, the Conservative Party adopted a remarkably constructive and conciliatory approach to the trade unions, dubbed 'voluntarism'. During this time the party leadership made strenuous efforts to avoid, as far as was politically possible, confrontation with, or legislation against, the trade unions, even when this incurred the wrath of some Conservative backbenchers and the Party's mass membership. In explaining why the Conservative leadership sought to avoid conflict with the trade unions, this study considers the economic circumstances of the period in question, the political environment, electoral considerations, the perspective adopted by the Conservative leadership in comprehending industrial relations and explaining conflict in the workplace, and the personalities of both the Conservative leadership and the key figures in the trade unions. Making extensive use of primary and archival sources it explains why the 1945-64 period was unique in the Conservative Party's approach to Britain's trade unions. By 1964, though, even hitherto Conservative defenders of voluntarism were acknowledging that some form of official inquiry into the conduct and operation of trade British unionism, as a prelude to legislation, was necessary, thereby signifying that the heyday of 'voluntarism' and cordial relations between senior Conservatives and the trade unions was coming to an end.

This book examines the a brief period between the end of the Second World War and the election of Harold Wilson's Labour government in 1964, when the Conservative Party adopted a remarkably constructive and conciliatory approach to the trade unions, dubbed 'voluntarism'. During this time the party leadership made strenuous efforts to avoid, as far as was politically possible, confrontation with, or legislation against, the trade unions, even when this incurred the wrath of some Conservative backbenchers and the Party's mass membership. Making extensive use of primary and archival sources it explains why the 1945-64 period was unique in the Conservative Party's relations with the unions, and why, after 1964, things returned to a 'business as usual' confrontational approach.

Peter Dorey examines the attitudes and policies of the Conservative Party towards the trade unions from the nineteenth century onwards. He links these to wider political and economic circumstances, and studies the key personalities involved. There has always been disagreement within the Conservative Party as to how it should deal with the trade unions. These disagreements have, in large part, reflected divisions within British Conservatism itself.

First Published in 2005. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

A collection of documents from the British Conservative Party's archives and from personal memoirs documents the changing nature, outlook and policies of the party between its electoral defeats in 1945 and 1997, during which it ruled for nearly 35 of the 52 years. They consider leaders and leadership, the Parliamentary Party, the party organization, home affairs such as governments and elections, external affairs from the Empire to Europe, and the party's relations to the state and society. A chronology, a substantial introduction, and a guide to further reading support the collection. Paper edition (unseen) $24.95. Distributed by St. Martin's Press. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

Here, a team of authors specialising in party politics in general and the Conservative Party in particular present an overview of the history, philosophy, organisation, leadership, strategies and policies of the party.