In an historically informed critique of the theory and practice of development assistance, this book examines Britain's foreign aid programme in the Middle East in the 1940s and 1950s. After an assessment of the origins of what was dubbed the 'peasants, not pashas' policy - notably the link between development, sterling balances, and post-war imperial strategy - the author focuses on planning and policy debates between British development experts, their American rivals, and Middle Eastern technocrats. These debates, which centred on issues such as afforestation, irrigation, and rural credit, raise important questions about the nature and limits of the development process within the Middle East and the Third World which the author explores in his analysis. This 1996 book will be of interest to development practitioners and scholars in development studies, as well as to students of Middle East and imperial history.

The Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and elsewhere has highlighted the growing importance of the politics of civil society in the contemporary Middle East. In Reproducing Sectarianism, Paul W. T. Kingston examines rights-oriented advocacy networks within Lebanon's postwar civil society, focusing on movements and political campaigns based on gender relations, the environment, and disability. Set within Lebanon's postwar sectarian democracy, whose factionalizing dynamics have long penetrated the country's civil society, Kingston's fascinating study provides an in-depth analysis of the successes and challenges that ensued in promoting rights-oriented social policies. Drawing on extensive field research, including interviews and a wealth of primary documents, Kingston has produced a groundbreaking work that will be of interest to Middle East experts and nonexperts alike.

This book examines Western foreign policy towards the Middle East, and the extent to which the promotion of democracy has been in conflict with, or supported by, other goals (geo-strategic, economic, and cultural) in the policies of the major actors towards the Middle East. Does the Arab Spring provide a new opening for cooperation with the region? Contributions are offered by scholars with research interests in Middle Eastern politics, and by those analysing the policies and interests of external actors. Against the backdrop of the recent ‘War on Terror’, the comparative and interdisciplinary outlook of the book will offer the opportunity for much needed intellectual exchanges between political scientists, contemporary historians, and international relations scholars from Europe, North America and the Middle East. Since it coincides with and/or follows the final phases of US and British withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan, this book will be highly relevant to both academics and policy-makers in the UK and abroad, making a significant contribution not only to the scholarly investigation of Western foreign policies, but also to the study of the Middle East in general. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.

The claim by the Ministry of Defence in 2001 that 'the experience of numerous small wars has provided the British Army with a unique insight into this demanding form of conflict' unravelled spectacularly in Iraq and Afghanistan. One important reason for that, David French suggests, was because contemporary British counter-insurgency doctrine was based upon a serious misreading of the past. Until now, many observers believed that during the wars of decolonisation in the two decades after 1945, the British had discovered how western liberal notions of right and wrong could be made compatible with the imperatives of waging war amongst the people, that force could be used effectively but with care, and that a more just and prosperous society could emerge from these struggles. By using only the minimum necessary force, and doing so with the utmost discrimination, the British were able to win by securing the 'hearts and minds' of the people. But this was a serious distortion of actual British practice on the ground. David French's main contention is that the British hid their use of naked force behind a carefully constructed veneer of legality. In reality, they commonly used wholesale coercion, including cordon and search operations, mass detention without trial, forcible population resettlement, and the creation of free-fire zones to intimidate and lock-down the civilian population. The British waged their counter-insurgency campaigns by being nasty, not nice, to the people. The British Way in Counter-Insurgency is a seminal reassessment of the historical foundation of British counter doctrine and practice.

In the wake of the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, it has often been alleged, King Abdullah I of Jordan and the Zionist movements colluded to partition Mandate Palestine between them, while Great Britain, the retreating imperial power, gave them tacit approval to do so. Here, Tancred Bradshaw challenges these allegations, looking at the complex and often strained relations between the emerging states of Jordan, Israel and the at first hegemonic, and then crumbling, British Empire. Using a wide range of primary sources which have previously been largely ignored, 'Britain and Jordan' offers an essential re-examination of the relationships which were to shape the Middle East as it is today. It thus contains vital analysis for anyone involved in the study of the Middle East, its politics and history, as well as the demise of Britain's empire in the region.

A fresh look at the effects of war on state and society in the Middle East, challenging traditional assumptions based on European experience. The authors argue that war has destabilized Middle Eastern states and eroded national cohesion.

There have been quite a lot of attempts to find out exactly what the impact of the Cold War on the Middle East was, and this from different disciplinary perspectives. This volumes tries to integrate the historical debate with new fresh insights thanks to the works of young scholars who are currently engaged in archival and field research. Algeria, Sudan, Jordan as well as Syria, Israel and Iran during the embattled 1950s and 1960s are the objects of this volume, which draws a much more complicated picture than one might expect. As a matter of fact, both the Cold War superpowers and their European allies proved constrained in their interventions to shape the political and economic dynamics of the region according to their own plans: on the contrary, Middle Eastern rulers enjoyed remarkable autonomy to achieve their goals, and fully exploited, in rhetorics and practice, the competition and rivalry which divided the industrial countries during the Cold War. The process of decolonization and the related construction of new patterns of national sovereignty and development were major issues at stake for both the Cold War camps and their postcolonial partners in the Middle East. Though peculiar, the region proved to be no exception to global trends. The so called “liberal” Fifties as well as the “radical” Sixties of the XXth century were times of great conflict and change, setting much of the institutions and patterns of development which lasted for three decades, at least, but also providing fresh opportunities for new social and politics groups to emerge and consolidate in power. In light of the current events in North Africa and the Middle East at large, this volume is a highly valuable contribution to the deeper and wider understanding of the region in itself as well as the patterns of its integration within the wider, global world