Diplomatic relations between Cambodia and Britain at the height of the Cold War provide unique insights into the overall foreign policies of both nations. King Norodom Sihanouk's strategy of preserving the independence and integrity of Cambodia through a policy of neutrality grew ever more challenging as the Cold War heated up in Indochina and conflict in Vietnam became a proxy war between the superpowers. Despite its alliance with the United States, Britain's diplomatic objectives in the region largely aligned with Cambodia's, and British criticism of US policy towards Cambodia was a problem in the alliance. British diplomatic records present a fascinating window into Cambodian decision-making, and the rationale behind Sihanouk's sometimes apparently irrational policies. The reports yield new insights into Sihanouk's efforts to sustain Cambodia's integrity vis-ˆ-vis its more powerful neighbours. Equally, a fine-grained analysis of British-Cambodia relations reveals much about the dynamics of British foreign policy in the period. Britain's ultimate dependence on its powerful American ally limited its influence in the region. After 1967, indeed, it ceased to have a strategic role. Over the period, British frustrations grew, even as it remained consistent in its foreign policy objectives and approaches.

The Kingdom of Cambodia has an ancient pedigree, a time when its people first established small principalities which evolved in small kingdoms. These kingdoms merged, often violently, eventually establishing the great Angkorian kingdom of the Khmer. The great building complex known as Angkor Wat, an achievement of stupendous proportion, whose dimensions are still being determined, is a product of the Khmer Empire. The empire was subject to much tension, both internally from competing nobles who sought to ascend the powerful throne, to outside kingdoms who tried to invade and subjugate the Khmer. Vietnam to the east, and further south also to the east, was the Cham Empire, while to the west was the Thai. These three kingdoms warred with the Khmer, eventually reducing it from grandeur. After the Khmer Empire fell, Cambodia entered a Dark Ages, a period of 431 years, from 1431 to 1862, years of scant records. Historians today try to reconstruct why the empire fell and why its people moved from the Siem Reap area and why records from this time are almost entirely unknown. In 1862, France became Cambodia's protector, defending its autonomy from both Vietnam and Thailand (Siam) who were both nibbling at either end of Cambodia. The Protectorate ended in 1942 when the Japanese occupied the land, followed by the return of the French in 1945, after the end of the Second World War. As in other countries subjugated by colonist powers, the defeat of France encouraged Cambodian nationalists to fight for a return to independence and autonomy. It is in this crucible that the Khmer Rouge, a communist-inspired group, began an insurrection against the French, and later against the Cambodian government. The Khmer Rouge, inspired by nihilistic beliefs, came to power in 1975 and began the tragic genocide of the Cambodian people. Between a quarter to a third of the people were murdered, representing the best and the elite of its society. There were many actors in this saga, both ancient and modern. I review these persons, to the extent known and the roles they played in Cambodian history and the effect it has had on the country today. The character of Pol Pot, mastermind and leader of the Khmer Rouge, is of special importance. I review his strange way of not identifying with a leadership role until absolutely necessary. But the menace of this man went much deeper; through guile and bland smiles, he allayed fear about himself, though he ordered the murder of those closest to him. Yet, even as they were led away, they disbelieved the order for their deaths, believing that if they could but have a moment with him, all would be set right. Even those closest to him did not see him for the monster he really was. He was a master at guile and deception, with none seeing the man as the monster of terror and destruction. Even in the Far East where exhibiting emotion and genuine feeling is shunned to the nth degree, this man’s ability to remain hidden reflects the ultimate achievement. But he brought ruin to his nation, with today’s loss of the elite of the country. I spent two months in Cambodia, visiting and researching material for this review. During my time there, I visited the only synagogue in the country, the Chabad House in Phnom Penh. It was then that I became aware of an amazing fact: a granddaughter of royalty celebrated her Bat Mitzvah in the capital, attended by members of the royal family. The story of how a member of the Cambodian royal family became Jewish is itself an incredible development. Cambodia today is a Third World country, with many attractions, both superb and revolting. At core, its representations reflect the saga of humanity, whose pages are sometimes elevating and also horrific. I describe my journey to this corner of Asia, hoping I've done justice to its many contours and personalities.

British foreign policy towards Vietnam illustrates the evolution of Britain's position within world geopolitics, 1943-1950. It reflects the change of the Anglo-US relationship from equality to dependence, and demonstrates Britain's changing association with its colonies and with the other European imperial spheres within Southeast Asia.

During the presidency of Lyndon Johnson, the British government sought to avoid escalation of the war in Vietnam and to help bring about peace. The thinking that lay behind these endeavours was often insightful and it is hard to argue that the attempt was not worth making, but the British government was able to exert little, if any, influence on a power with which it believed it had, and needed, a special relationship. Drawing on little-used papers in the British archives, Nicholas Tarling describes the making of Britain’s Vietnam policy during a period when any compromise proposed by London was likely to be seen in Washington as suggestive of defeat, and attempts to involve Moscow in the process over-estimated the USSR’s influence on a Hanoi determined on reunification.

Cambodia's Second Kingdom is an exploration of the role of nationalist imaginings, discourses, and narratives in Cambodia since the 1993 reintroduction of a multiparty democratic system. Competing nationalistic imaginings are shown to be a more prominent part of party political contestation in the Kingdom of Cambodia than typically believed. For political parties, nationalistic imaginings became the basis for strategies to attract popular support, electoral victories, and moral legitimacy. Astrid Norén-Nilsson uses uncommon sources, such as interviews with key contemporary political actors, to analyze Cambodia’s postconflict reconstruction politics. This book exposes how nationalist imaginings, typically understood to be associated with political opposition, have been central to the reworking of political identities and legitimacy bids across the political spectrum. Norén-Nilsson examines the entanglement of notions of democracy and national identity and traces out a tension between domestic elite imaginings and the liberal democratic framework in which they operate

In 1941, Imperial Japan rapidly brought an end to the British Empire in Asia. Because a non-white race dared to upset the white colonialists’ status quo in Asia, the British resented the Japanese long after the war. Mr. Henry Scott-Stokes states that he held such a view as well before arriving in Japan as a foreign correspondent. Mr. Scott-Stokes writes of his transformation, of uncritical acceptance of the western colonialist’s version of the Greater East Asian War, the so-called Pacific War, to realization of its absolute vacuousness. “[The Japanese],” he states, “were supposed to simply accept, without any criticism or opposition whatsoever, the noble wisdom of civilization [the verdicts of the Tokyo Trials].” Mindless parroting of historical fabrications by modern Japanese suggests a loss of national consciousness, of what it means to be Japanese, as Yukio Mishima expressed in his discussions with Mr. Scott-Stokes. Japan lost her independence to America and is merely a protectorate and not a nation with her own culture and history. Japanese people need to take it upon themselves to change this situation. Mr. Stokes’ mother-in-law, however, wryly commented that today’s Japanese are cowards, so it will take another 200 or 300 years.

In 1941 Norodom Sihanouk ascended the Cambodian throne, supported by the French with the intent that he be their puppet king. Milton Osborne traces the complete background leading to this event, and then follows Sihanouk's remarkable growth to political maturity: his transformation from a dilettante king to a vigorous and sometimes ruthless politician. Fully acknowledging his remarkable energy, the book shows how the early years of Sihanouk's successes turned sour as, unwilling to share responsibility, he gradually alienated politicians on both the left and the right. Convinced that he alone knew what was best for Cambodia, his repression of dissent became more vicious and led finally to his overthrow in 1970.