This book considers the tensions and complementarities between two different attitudes towards social relationships - on the one hand, the attitude aspired to in the West, which emphasises individualism, institutional probity, and the rule of law, and which regards social relationships as ideals or absolutes; and, on the other hand, the attitude often found in Asia, where loyalties based on kinship, local networks, and places of origin are vitally important, and where social relationships, institutions and practices are often material for manipulation and the pursuit of ambition. The book explores the nature of these different attitudes, discussing the different attitudes as they are found in practice in the Philippines. It considers how they are bound up with material progress, and how they have a crucial impact, on business, politics and region-centre relations.

Philippine political history, especially in the twentieth century, challenges the image of democratic evolution as serving the people, and does so in ways that reveal inadequately explored aspects of many democracies. In the first decades of the twenty-first century the Philippines has nonetheless shown gradual socioeconomic "progress". This book provides an interpretive overview of Philippine politics, and takes full account of the importance of patriotic Philippine factors in making decisions about future political policies. It analyses whether regional and local politics have more importance than national politics in the Philippines. Discussing cultural traditions of patronism, it also examines how clan feuds localize the state and create strong local policies. These conflicts in turn make regional and family-run polities collectively stronger than the central state institution. The book goes on to explore elections in the Philippines, and in particular the ways in which politicians win democratic elections, the institutionalized role of public money in this process, and the role that media plays. Offering a new interpretive overview of Philippine progress over many decades, the author notes recent economic and political changes during the current century while also trying to advance ideas that might prove useful to Filipinos. Presenting an in-depth analysis of the problems and possibilities of politics and society in the Philippines, the book will be of interest to those researching Southeast Asian Politics, Political History and Asian Society and Culture.

"In the Name of Civil Society examines Philippine politics in a highly original and provocative way. Hedman’s detailed analysis shows how dominant elites in the Philippines shore up the structures of liberal democracy in order to ensure their continued hegemony over Philippine society. This book will be of interest to everyone concerned with civil society and the processes of democratization and democracy in capitalist societies." —Paul D. Hutchcroft, University of Wisconsin, Madison What is the politics of civil society? Focusing on the Philippines—home to the mother of all election-watch movements, the original People Power revolt, and one of the largest and most diverse NGO populations in the world—Eva-Lotta Hedman offers a critique that goes against the grain of much other current scholarship. Her highly original work challenges celebratory and universalist accounts that tend to reify "civil society" as a unified and coherent entity, and to ascribe a single meaning and automatic trajectory to its role in democratization. She shows how mobilization in the name of civil society is contingent on the intercession of citizens and performative displays of citizenship—as opposed to other appeals and articulations of identity, such as class. In short, Hedman argues, the very definitions of "civil" and "society" are at stake. Based on extensive research spanning the course of a decade (1991–2001), this study offers a powerful analysis of Philippine politics and society inspired by the writings of Antonio Gramsci. It draws on a rich collection of sources from archives, interviews, newspapers, and participant-observation. It identifies a cycle of recurring "crises of authority," involving mounting threats—from above and below—to oligarchical democracy in the Philippines. Tracing the trajectory of Gramscian "dominant bloc" of social forces, Hedman shows how each such crisis in the Philippines promotes a countermobilization by the "intellectuals" of the dominant bloc: the capitalist class, the Catholic Church, and the U.S. government. In documenting the capacity of so-called "secondary associations" (business, lay, professional) to project moral and intellectual leadership in each of these crises, this study sheds new light on the forces and dynamics of change and continuity in Philippine politics and society.

This interdisciplinary case study invokes historical, sociological, and anthropological means to examine the ascendance of the United States to a world power in its first imperial venture. In the aftermath of the Spanish-American War of 1898 the U.S. acquired and occupied the Philippine Islands for nearly a half century in an attempt to install a democratic form of government, a capitalist economy, the Protestant religion, and a particular value system. Sport became a primary means to achieve such goals, fostered initially by the military, and then widely promoted in the schools and the YMCA. Competitive programs, including international athletic spectacles, channeled Filipino nationalism against Asian rivals rather than the American occupiers as guerrilla warfare ensued in the islands. The strategies learned in the Philippines, now known as “soft power” remain prominent factors in current American foreign policy.

The past two decades since the end of the Cold War have been years of remarkable change and transformation for Southeast Asia. Long seen as an arena for superpower rivalry, Southeast Asia is increasingly coming into its own by locating itself at the forefront of regional integration initiatives that involve not only the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, but major external powers such as the United States, China, India, Japan, and Australia as well. At the same time, the past two decades has seen the revival of old animosities as well as the emergence of new security challenges confronting the region. Old animosities include unresolved territorial disputes, while new challenges range from regional and global financial crises, terrorism, and pandemics. Significant changes within the ten Southeast Asian countries covered in this book have also transpired that have affected not only the complexion of domestic politics, but have also impacted regional diplomacy as well, such as the creation of potentially the eleventh "Southeast Asian" country – Timor Leste. Extensively updated and revised in light of these changes and developments, this fourth edition of Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia contains profiles of each Southeast Asian country. Following this, it provides more than 450 alphabetically arranged individual entries providing detailed accounts and analyses on major episodes and treaties, political parties and institutions, civil society movements, and regional and international organizations. Biographies of significant political leaders and personalities, both past and present, are also provided. Entries are comprehensively cross-referenced, and an index by country directs readers to all entries concerning a particular country. The Dictionary also includes an extensive bibliography that serves as a guide to further reading. It is an essential reference tool for all scholars and students of Asian politics and international affairs, and a vital resource for journalists, diplomats, policy-makers, and others with an interest in the region.

As China's economic, political, and military strength grows, scholars will need to take a broader and deeper interest in the Philippines and its people. This book examines business organization, the practice of trade, and the political support of these activities, within and between the Philippines and China.

This book considers the tensions and complementarities between two different attitudes towards social relationships - on the one hand, the attitude aspired to in the West, which emphasises individualism, institutional probity, and the rule of law, and which regards social relationships as ideals or absolutes; and, on the other hand, the attitude often found in Asia, where loyalties based on kinship, local networks, and places of origin are vitally important, and where social relationships, institutions and practices are often material for manipulation and the pursuit of ambition. The book explores the nature of these different attitudes, discussing the different attitudes as they are found in practice in the Philippines. It considers how they are bound up with material progress, and how they have a crucial impact, on business, politics and region-centre relations.