The Policing of Belfast, 1870-1914 examines the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) in late Victorian Belfast in order to see how a semi-military, largely rural constabulary adapted to the problems that a city posed. Mark Radford explores whether the RIC, as the most public face of British government, was successful in controlling a recalcitrant Irish urban populace. This examination of the contrast in styles between urban and rural policing and semi-rural and civil constabulary offers an important insight into the social, political and military history of Ireland at the turn of the twentieth century. The book concludes by showing how governmental neglect of the force and its failure to comprehensively address the issues of pay and conditions of service ultimately led to crisis in the RIC.

This book collects some of the major essays, past and new, of two of the leading authorities on the Northern Ireland conflict. It is unified by the theory of consociation, one of the most influential theories in the regulation of conflicts. The authors are critical exponents of the approach, and several chapters explain its attractions over alternative forms of conflict regulation. The book explains why Northern Ireland's national divisions have made the achievement of a consociational agreement particularly difficult. The issues raised in the book are crucial to a proper understanding of Northern Ireland's past and future, which, the authors argue, is likely to involve some type of consociational democracy, whether or not the one agreed to on Good Friday ..... The issues addressed are not particular to Northern Ireland. They are relevant to a host of other divided territories, including Cyprus, Kosovo, Macedonia, Sri Lanka, Nigeria, and Afghanistan. The book is therefore vital reading not just for Northern Ireland specialists, but also for anyone interested in consociation and in the just and durable regulation of national and ethnic conflict.

The Great Irish Famine remains one of the most lethal famines in modern world history and a watershed moment in the development of modern Ireland – socially, politically, demographically and culturally. In the space of only four years, Ireland lost twenty-five per cent of its population as a consequence of starvation, disease and large-scale emigration. Certain aspects of the Famine remain contested and controversial, for example the issue of the British government’s culpability, proselytism, and the reception of emigrants. However, recent historiographical focus on this famine has overshadowed the impact of other periods of subsistence crisis, both before 1845 and after 1852. The narratives of those who perished, those who survived and those who emigrated form an integral part of this history and these volumes will make available, for the first time, some of the original documentation relating to an event that changed not only Irish history, but the history of the countries to which the emigrants fled – Britain, the United States, Canada and Australia. By bringing together letters, government reports, diaries, official documents, pamphlets, newspaper articles, sermons, eye-witness testimonies, poems and novels, these volumes will provide a fresh way of understanding Irish history in general, and famine and migration in particular. Comprehensive editorial apparatus and annotation of the original texts are included along with bibliographies, appendices, chronologies and indexes that point the way for further study.

The first volume of the definitive political history of Northern Ireland.

This brilliantly innovative synthesis of narrative and analysis illuminates how British colonialism shaped the formation and political cultures of what became Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State. A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume I provides a somber and compelling comparative audit of the scale of recent conflict in Northern Ireland and explains its historical origins. Contrasting colonial and sectarianized accounts of modern Irish history, Brendan O'Leary shows that a judicious meld of these perspectives provides a properly political account of direct and indirect rule, and of administrative and settler colonialism. The British state incorporated Ulster and Ireland into a deeply unequal Union after four re-conquests over two centuries had successively defeated the Ulster Gaels, the Catholic Confederates, the Jacobites, and the United Irishmen—and their respective European allies. Founded as a union of Protestants in Great Britain and Ireland, rather than of the British and the Irish nations, the colonial and sectarian Union was infamously punctured in the catastrophe of the Great Famine. The subsequent mobilization of Irish nationalists and Ulster unionists, and two republican insurrections amid the cataclysm and aftermath of World War I, brought the now partly democratized Union to an unexpected end, aside from a shrunken rump of British authority, baptized as Northern Ireland. Home rule would be granted to those who had claimed not to want it, after having been refused to those who had ardently sought it. The failure of possible federal reconstructions of the Union and the fateful partition of the island are explained, and systematically compared with other British colonial partitions. Northern Ireland was invented, in accordance with British interests, to resolve the 'hereditary animosities' between the descendants of Irish natives and British settlers in Ireland. In the long run, the invention proved unfit for purpose. Indispensable for explaining contemporary institutions and mentalities, this volume clears the path for the intelligent reader determined to understand contemporary Northern Ireland.

Urban spaces in nineteenth-century Ireland offers new insights on the Irish urban experience by exploring the ways in which urban spaces, from individual buildings to streets and districts, were constructed and experienced during the nineteenth century.