The advent of industrial regulation by tribunal came close to the turn of the century. Wages boards began in Victoria in 1896 and courts of arbitration in 1900. The first day of the new century was also the first day of the Commonwealth of Australia, endowed with a Parliament that was empowered to institute its chosen models of conciliation and arbitration for the prevention and settlement of interstate industrial disputes. This book is a study of the operation of conciliation and arbitration, especially by the Commonwealth Court of Conciliation and Arbitration, from the inception of the system until World War II. It is not, however, a general history of conciliation and arbitration. It does not, for example, deal with the successes and failures of the tribunals in preventing strikes and lockouts; or with the manifold legal issues to which the system gave rise, unless they affected significantly the tribunals' exercise of their power to fix wages and conditions. Rather, it is about fixing the terms of employment; and it attempts to set the tribunals' performance in an economic context. It is about 'wage policy', if the term is interpreted broadly enough to include both prescribed wages and other factors that affect the cost of labour, including working hours and leave.

National Wages Policy in War and Peace (1958) examines the thorny issue of inflation prevention, looking at a host of Western economies in the wartime and postwar period. It looks at the experience of national wage policies under a variety of different economic and social conditions, and concludes that a centrally administered national wages policy cannot be relied upon as a means of preventing inflation. It indicates that this may be achieved with the minimum interference with free collective bargaining if all parties, Government, trade unions and employers exercise their power with responsibility.

This book consists of articles written by twenty authors, including three eminent academicians from Australia and Britain. It provides first-hand information on the National Wages Council (NWC), and its contributions, which includes the promotion of tripartism, as an instrument of economic growth. The book is divided into six parts. Part I introduces the book. Part II provides details about the NWC, its operations and its structure. Part III covers the macroeconomic impact of the NWC, including the impact on productivity, competitiveness, investment and growth. Part IV covers the impact of the NWC on wages and the wage system in Singapore. Part V provides a theoretical perspective on the importance of the NWC to productivity growth and productive efficiency. Part VI takes a look at the incomes policy practice of another country in the region, Australia, which provides a good point of reference for the NWC.

In the decades after World War II, inflation undermined the aspiration for full employment in Australia. This book tells the story of how the Australian state was shaped by the confrontation with monetary instability: a pre-history of neoliberalism.

When it was first published in 1972, this was the first book to analyze the experience of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa in the field of macro-economic policy. The characteristics of this group of countries gives them much in common with both industrialized and emerging economies. Their experience of economic policy-making has, therefore an unusually wide relevance.

Wage policy can be broadly defined as a set of institutions designed to bolster the wages of workers, especially for those workers who lack negotiating power. This book concentrates on the relationship between wage policy and the distribution of income and the maintenance of a sustainable democracy. Whereas economists have looked at this issue in relation to labour markets, this book aims to reset the balance by focusing on issues such as equality and democratic theory. This book makes an important contribution to the literature of public policy, political philosophy and political economy. Levin-Waldman argues that wage policy is an important component in the maintenance of democratic society and that a reduction in income inequality can have a positive effect both on personal autonomy and empowerment.