This book fills a major gap in the study of inter-war British foreign policy: it is the first complete study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29.

This is a study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29. It is argued that Chamberlain's priority was a two-stage policy in Western Europe, which aimed at pacifying both France and Germany, as well as encouraging the League of Nations.

This book examines the careers of the men who served as British Foreign Secretary between 1919 and 1939, focusing in particular on the ways in which they sought to mould foreign policy.

This work, intended to commemorate the centenary of the Entente Cordiale in 2004, examines aspects of Anglo-French relations since the late eighteenth century when both Britain and France were pre-eminent great powers at war with one another through to the post-Second World War period when both had become rival second class powers in the face of American and Soviet dominance. The chapters in this book examine and illuminate the nature of the Anglo-French relationship at certain periods during the last two hundred years, both in peacetime and in war and include political, economic, diplomatic, military and strategic considerations and influences. While the impact of Anglo-French relations is centred essentially on the European context, other areas are also considered including the Middle East, Africa and the North Atlantic. The elements of conflict, rivalry and cooperation in Anglo-French relations are also highlighted whether in peace or war. This book was previously published as a special issue of Diplomacy and Statecraft.

This collection of essays examines European politics and diplomacy in the 1920s, with special emphasis on the Treaty of Locarno of 1925, often seen as the 'real' peace treaty at the end of the First World War. Contributors discuss the diplomacy of the principle countries that signed the Treaty of Locarno in 1925 and consider the issues of greatest importance to the study of European history in the 1920s. They also assess whether the treaty could be seen as the 'real' peace treaty with Germany at the end of the First World War. Key chapters include: Locarno, Britain and the Security of Europe; Locarno: Early Test of Fascist Intentions; Locarno and the Irrelevance of Disarmament. 'Locarno diplomacy' meant different things to each of the countries involved. The inability of contemporaries to arrive at a working consensus about what the treaty was intended to achieve weakened it and paved the way for its destruction. Unlike the Paris Peace Conference, however, the Treaty of Locarno and the era of diplomacy to which it gave its name, were not always seen as flawed. Until 1945, they were held up as one of the high points of European diplomacy in the 1920s. This book asks whether it is still appropriate to under-rate the importance of the Treaty of Locarno

Weimar and Nazi Germany presents the history of the country in these periods in a unique way. Examining the continuities and discontinuities between the Third Reich and the Weimar Republic, it also contextualises these two regimes within modern German and European history. After a broad introduction to 1919-1945, four general surveys examine the economy, society, internal politics and foreign policy. A third section treats specific key themes including women and the family, big business, race, the SPD, the extreme Right and Anglo-German relations. This innovative text assembles major scholars of Germany. It will prove vital reading for all those interested in twentieth century history.

This book survey Britain ́s foreign policy since 1870. Conventional accounts stress the rulers ́ benevolent rhetoric: I present the evidence that refutes this superficial, liberal view. Britain ́s economy is the key to understanding its foreign policy: capitalism causes a conflict-ridden foreign policy. The rulers ́ focus has been on seizing profits from abroad, for which they have sacrificed the welfare of the British people. British governments - Conservative, Liberal and Labour alike - have represented the tiny minority who own the means of production, and have opposed the great majority who have to work for a living. The ruling class ́s external focus has also damaged relations with other countries and helped to produce the two recurring types of war - wars between rival empires and wars against national liberation.