The Eastern Mediterranean is once again in turmoil; in addition to proxy wars (in Syria and Iraq) and the occupation of Cyprus, there is no president or functioning government in Lebanon, which is also in the midst of an open conflict with Israel in the south. Furthermore, Turkey is threatening its neighbours, Israel is faced with daily security issues, the Sinai Peninsula is no longer safe, the refugee problem is adding to the region’s woes, and the rule of international law is being increasingly violated. The arrival in the region of a new powerful world player, Russia, and of an indomitable regional player, Iran, has further upset the balance in the Eastern Mediterranean. The economies of the region are also confronted with serious problems. Greece and Cyprus are under Troika supervision, even if Cyprus’s program is, in theory, ending soon. The Egyptian economy is failing to meet its potential, with its per capita GDP stuck at the bottom of the international rung. Even the Turkish economy is showing signs of fatigue with the value of the Turkish lira against the dollar taking a nosedive and the Russian embargo beginning to bite. Israel is doing better than its neighbours, but continues to carry a heavy defence burden. However, the region has a habit of bouncing back, and newly discovered energy reserves are now giving the Eastern Mediterranean hope. If properly handled, energy can help unite the countries in the region and turn the Eastern Mediterranean into a peaceful and harmonious network. There are, however, two main obstacles that must be overcome, namely the Palestinian problem and the occupation by Turkey of 37% of Cyprus’ territory. Syria would also need to take the path to peace, free of terrorism and violence. Working together on energy resources would help countries of the Eastern Mediterranean see their neighbours as natural allies rather than as antagonists and proxies of some foreign power. This book proposes the creation of a High Energy Authority that would enable all countries in the region to exploit their energy reserves together. This concept would create economic advantage and reduce conflict and hegemonic dependence.

Despite considerable progress in research and practice in the constructive transformation of intractable conflicts beginning in the 1970s, many terribly destructive conflicts have recently erupted. New circumstances have emerged that have resulted in regressions. The contributions in this book examine many of the new challenges and obstacles to the transformation of intractable conflicts. It also offers an array of new and promising opportunities for constructive transformations. The book brings together analyses of U.S.-based conflicts with those from many regions of the world. International, intra-state, and local conflicts are explored, along with those that have been violent and non-violent. The diversity in disciplines among the authors provides a wide range of theoretical approaches to explaining how a variety of intractable conflicts can be transformed. Case studies of local, national, and transnational conflicts serve to illustrate this new landscape. These analyses are complemented by conceptual discussions relating to new conflict systems, actors, dynamics and strategies. Policy implications of findings are also presented.

Finding a solution to the issue of Palestinian refugees has remained the main hurdle for an Israeli-Palestinian peace settlement. This book represents a comprehensive political analysis of the Palestinian refugee issue. It tackles the matter on four dimensions. First, the historical context of the Palestinian exodus in both 1948 and 1967 is reviewed. Second, the question is traced whether there exists a Palestinian right of return according to international law. Third, an examination is presented regarding how and why the issue of refugees has remained a stumbling block during the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. Fourth, the main part of the book analyses potential solutions to the refugee question, complementing the existing proposals with models developed by the author. What are their implications for both sides? What are the advantages and disadvantages of each proposal to Israelis and Palestinians, respectively? What is the relevance of each proposal as a mutually acceptable solution? Finally, a set of recommendations and guide-lines for future Israeli-Palestinian negotiations on refugees is presented. Overall, this study constitutes a valuable reference for anyone interested in a solution of the most intractable aspect of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The Middle East conflict, which has been raging for a century and seems to have no end in sight, is not over territory or other assets, but is historically anchored in the Islamic tradition, which has become the preponderant faith of the Arabs. Being a qualitative factor of an either-or import from the Muslim point of view, which is today best expressed by Iran, the Muslim Brothers, Hamas, Hezbollah, and other radical Muslim movements, it is not given to negotiation and compromise, as any other political conflict, but is governed by absolutes and one-sided perspectives. Arab nationalism, Islam, and Zionism are the main political and religious movements taking center stage in this conflict. The intractable nature of the conflict has so far defied all negotiations, agreements, and peace treaties. All the proposed “peaceful” settlements have thus far remained brittle, while the fundamental issues of stereotyping, suspicion, hatred, and condescendence have remained in place, unshaken. This book confronts two contradictory ideologies and attempts to bridge them over.