Sir Garfield Barwick wrote the story of his public life. At the age of 92, he had been at the centre of Australian legal and political life for over half a century. The story starts in the inner suburbs of Sydney walking to the renowned Fort Street High School. Sydney University in the 1920s follows and a struggling career at the Bar takes hold before all is lost in the Great Depression. Civilian service in World War II was followed by triumph in the Bank Nationalisation Case. The defeat of the Chifley Government's legislation established Sir Garfield's reputation as an advocate in Australia and in the United Kingdom. It led to a decade of unparalleled dominance of the Australian Bar when he continually appeared in the High Court and led in such public inquiries as the Petrov Royal Commission. It also established Sir Garfield in the public mind as a Liberal Party man and in 1958, at the age of 56, he entered Parliament. He served six years, almost all on the front bench as a reforming Attorney-General as Minister for External Affairs focussing on Vietnam, Cambodia and Indonesia. He resigned to become Chief Justice of the High Court in 1964 and in the next 18 years gave judgments delineating power in modern Australia: citizen and government, States and the Commonwealth, executive and legislature. Most notably, he provided crucial and controversial advice to the Governor-General in the 1975 Dismissal Crisis.

A fully revised and updated edition of Nigel Lawson's extraordinary autobiography. A key minister for a full decade and Chancellor of the Exchequer, from 1983 to 1989, Nigel Lawson was one of the most powerful and effective of Margaret Thatcher's colleagues, and among the chief architects of Thatcherism. This abridged edition of Lord Lawson's memoirs - first published as The View from No.11 in 1992 and acclaimed as one of the best political memoirs of the period - goes straight to the heart of economic policy-making at a time of crisis and creative change. It explains the workings of government with candour, clarity and depth, against the backdrop of the remarkable story of the rise and fall of his political collaboration with Margaret Thatcher, productive and successful for many years, but ending with his dramatic resignation in October 1989.The book includes a new final chapter reflecting on events from the perspective of 2010, also discussing the crisis in the banking sector and global warming.

Set to be the most controversial, hotly debated and provocative political book of 2010.

Digital, Political, Radical is a siren call to the field of media and communications and the study of social and political movements. We must put the politics of transformation at the very heart of our analyses to meet the global challenges of gross inequality and ever-more impoverished democracies. Fenton makes an impassioned plea for re-invigorating critical research on digital media such that it can be explanatory, practical and normative. She dares us to be politically emboldened. She urges us to seek out an emancipatory politics that aims to deepen our democratic horizons. To ask: how can we do democracy better? What are the conditions required to live together well? Then, what is the role of the media and how can we reclaim media, power and politics for progressive ends? Journeying through a range of protest and political movements, Fenton debunks myths of digital media along the way and points us in the direction of newly emergent politics of the Left. Digital, Political, Radical contributes to political debate on contemporary (re)configurations of radical progressive politics through a consideration of how we experience (counter) politics in the digital age and how this may influence our being political.

In spite of the fact that Conservative, Christian democratic and Liberal parties continue to play a crucial role in the democratic politics and governance of every Western European country, they are rarely paid the attention they deserve. This cutting-edge comparative collection, combining qualitative case studies with large-N quantitative analysis, reveals a mainstream right squeezed by the need to adapt to both 'the silent revolution' that has seen the spread of postmaterialist, liberal and cosmopolitan values and the backlash against those values – the 'silent counter-revolution' that has brought with it the rise of a myriad far right parties offering populist and nativist answers to many of the continent's thorniest political problems. What explains why some mainstream right parties seem to be coping with that challenge better than others? And does the temptation to ride the populist wave rather than resist it ultimately pose a danger to liberal democracy?

In 1978, spurred on by his own curiosity and personal frustrations with the state of Canadian politics, journalist Charles Taylor began to trace the history and development of the Conservative Party in Canada. Taylor turned to philosophers, writers, politicians, and thinkers such as George Grant, Donald Creighton, Robert Stanfield, and Al Purdy to chart the course of the party from its early nationalist "Red Tory" roots to the more conservative, corporatist "Blue Tory" tradition that Taylor witnessed with Joe Clark, and has continued with Brian Mulroney and now, Stephen Harper. Infused with wry humour and a literary tone that eschews academic dryness, Charles Taylor's Radical Tories has rightly stood the test of time: the Literary Review of Canada recently included it in a list of the 100 most important Canadian books of all time. This edition includes a new afterword by Rudyard Griffiths.

What would happen if we could stroll through the revolutionary history of the 20th century and, without any fear of the possible responses, ask the main protagonists - from Lenin to Che Guevara, from Alexandra Kollontai to Ulrike Meinhof - seemingly naïve questions about love? Although all important political and social changes of the 20th century included heated debates on the role of love, it seems that in the 21st century of new technologies of the self (Grindr, Tinder, online dating, etc.) we are faced with a hyperinflation of sex, not love. By going back to the sexual revolution of the October Revolution and its subsequent repression, to Che's dilemma between love and revolutionary commitment and to the period of '68 (from communes to terrorism) and its commodification in late capitalism, the Croatian philosopher Srecko Horvat gives a possible answer to the question of why it is that the most radical revolutionaries like Lenin or Che were scared of the radicality of love. What is so radical about a seemingly conservative notion of love and why is it anything but conservative? This short book is a modest contribution to the current upheavals around the world - from Tahrir to Taksim, from Occupy Wall Street to Hong Kong, from Athens to Sarajevo - in which the question of love is curiously, surprisingly, absent.