This edited volume bridges the "analytical divide" between studies of transatlantic relations, democratic peace theory, and foreign policy analysis, and improves our theoretical understanding of the logic of crises prevention and resolution. The recent rise of populism and polarization in both the U.S.A and Europe adds to a host of foreign policy crises that have emerged in transatlantic relations over the last two decades. Through examining how democracies can manage to sustain and maintain mechanisms of crisis resilience that are embedded in the democratic peace, and particularly transatlantic relations, this book helps enhance the understanding of inter-democratic crisis resolution across issue areas. In doing so, it addresses some of the most important and prevalent crises of our time, such as anti-terrorism intervention in Afghanistan; Iran's nuclear program; burden-sharing within North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO; key aspects of the international order, such as binding norms for cyber security and the integration of China into the Western-led international economic order; as well as domestic order shifts, such as the British vote to leave the European Union (EU) and the impact of the Trump administration populist foreign policy on transatlantic crisis resolution. This book will be of key interest to students and scholars of International Relations, Transatlantic Studies, Foreign Policy Analysis, and Comparative Politics.

Ties between the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) rival those between any other pair of international actors. After all, no other regions of the world are as closely connected in economics, security and politics as Europe and the US. This comprehensive volume makes conceptual progress and empirical contributions in accounting for how EU-US relations have been impacted by a context of multiple EU crises alongside a parallel change in US policies. The authors find strong evidence to suggest that the transatlantic relationship is weakening. This is partly a consequence of the EU's internal policies, as it becomes more unified and autonomous of the US in some areas, while fragmenting in others. Most importantly, it is a consequence of the two actors' increasingly diverging perspectives and positions on international issues, institutions, norms and indeed the value of the transatlantic relationship. Although the long-term effects remain to be seen, it is likely that the cracks in the foundation of transatlantic relations will continue into the present and foreseeable future. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of European Integration.

Turkey’s position in transatlantic alliances goes back in the 1950s. Turkish Foreign Policy “Fresh Look” was launched just prior to the failed coup d’etat last July, and was intended to mend ties with its neighbors with whom Turkey has strained relationships. Turkey’s new pragmatic reconciliation policy strives to build bridges without damaging existing transatlantic alliance. The goal of developing good relations with its neighbors that surround the Mediterranean and the Black sea, presents Turkey with a number of challenges. Turkey is seen as a bridge between West and East due to its geographic location. This volume intends to shed more light into past, present and future Turkey-Transatlantic relations, focusing on a history of Turkey-Transatlantic relations, the impact of current developments in Turkey and its neighbors, and Turkish domestic and foreign policies in Transatlantic relations. Authors include: Hülya Kevser Akdemir, Serdar Altay, Altay Atlı, Enes bayraklı, Münevver Cebeci, Filiz Cicioğlu, Şükrü Cicioğlu, İsmail Çağlar, Beril Dedeoğlu, Mehmet Uğur Ekinci, Emre Erşen, Tea Ivanovic, Donald N. Jensen, Edward P. Joseph, Kılıç Buğra Kanat, Erdal Tanas Karagöl, Christina Lin, Jennifer Miel, Nona Mikhelidze, Çiğdem Nas, Aslı Şirin Öner, Yonca Özer, Nicolò Sartori, Merve Seren, Eduard Soler i Lecha, Melike Janine Sökmen, Sasha Toperich, Aylin Ünver Noi, Alida Vračić, and Murat Yerlitaş

The official report that has shaped the international debate about NSA surveillance "We cannot discount the risk, in light of the lessons of our own history, that at some point in the future, high-level government officials will decide that this massive database of extraordinarily sensitive private information is there for the plucking. Americans must never make the mistake of wholly 'trusting' our public officials."—The NSA Report This is the official report that is helping shape the international debate about the unprecedented surveillance activities of the National Security Agency. Commissioned by President Obama following disclosures by former NSA contractor Edward J. Snowden, and written by a preeminent group of intelligence and legal experts, the report examines the extent of NSA programs and calls for dozens of urgent and practical reforms. The result is a blueprint showing how the government can reaffirm its commitment to privacy and civil liberties—without compromising national security.

The issues that increasingly dominate the 21st century cannot be solved by any single country acting alone, no matter how powerful. To manage the global economy, prevent runaway environmental destruction, reign in nuclear proliferation, or confront other global challenges, we must cooperate. But at the same time, our tools for global policymaking - chiefly state-to-state negotiations over treaties and international institutions - have broken down. The result is gridlock, which manifests across areas via a number of common mechanisms. The rise of new powers representing a more diverse array of interests makes agreement more difficult. The problems themselves have also grown harder as global policy issues penetrate ever more deeply into core domestic concerns. Existing institutions, created for a different world, also lock-in pathological decision-making procedures and render the field ever more complex. All of these processes - in part a function of previous, successful efforts at cooperation - have led global cooperation to fail us even as we need it most. Ranging over the main areas of global concern, from security to the global economy and the environment, this book examines these mechanisms of gridlock and pathways beyond them. It is written in a highly accessible way, making it relevant not only to students of politics and international relations but also to a wider general readership.

The rhetoric of the 2016 US election campaign and the evidence of President Donald Trump's first year in office both point to the reality that, in the short term at least, European policymakers will need to take into consideration an uncertain, populist and conflictual US government that is focused on its narrow definition of America's national interests to the exclusion of those of its long-standing allies. Over the past year, Trump has taken multiple policy positions that are antithetical to those of most European powers. He has signalled the withdrawal of the US from the Paris Agreement, questioned the viability of NATO, disavowed the Iran nuclear deal, and, most recently, recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital. In Europe, meanwhile, significant attention and political energy has been taken up with maintaining the credibility and coherence of the EU while managing the intended exit of the UK. This risks diverting focus and capacity away from common global concerns. Compounding this has been the rise of populism and nationalism in many states, which has increasingly challenged the supranational and internationalist ethos of the EU, and has restricted the scope for political leaders to act in accordance with its long-held principles. In this environment of significant political uncertainty on both sides of the Atlantic, is the relationship between the US and its European allies at risk of long-term divergence, or do recent areas of apparent policy difference reflect more cyclical trends that can be ridden out? This report - the culmination of a three-year research project by the US and the Americas Programme at Chatham House - explores the long-standing and fundamental drivers of US and European policymaking, and sets out recommendations to address the key structural factors that threaten the durability of transatlantic relations. Drawing on insights from a series of scenario workshops and case studies, the report examines the major influencing factors in recent US and European foreign policy decision-making. Of these, three sets of critical factors - demographics, access to food and energy resources, and the integrity of international institutions - are identified as structural and, in that they affect the transatlantic partners differently, as likely to lead to long-term divergence if not managed carefully. A number of additional factors could cause divisions between the US and Europe - such as economics, differing capabilities (particularly military capabilities), leadership personalities and political polarization. However, while these factors may cause real and meaningful shorter-term disruptions, they are more transient in nature and thus pose less of a long-term threat to the transatlantic relationship. During the current period of political uncertainty and flux, progress on specific transatlantic goals (from free trade to environmental protection) may halt or even go into reverse, particularly if they are dependent on senior government leadership. In some cases, there may still be room for manoeuvre through traditional bureaucratic channels. In others, however, transatlantic coordination will best be led by other interests, be they cities, regional state leaders or non-state actors. The report makes the case that while the transatlantic relationship may currently be traversing a period of divergence, this need not lead to a structural split over the longer term. Notwithstanding the present choppy waters, the fundamentals in relations between the US and Europe remain strong, and the prospects are mostly positive. It will be important, however, that leaders on both sides of the Atlantic maintain their focus on the structural drivers of potential convergence and divergence, and take steps to mitigate the risks of long-term divisions - chief among them: Valuing transatlantic cooperation as a goal in and of itself. Supporting transatlantic immigration. Reinforcing transatlantic energy flows. Rebuilding and strengthening institutions and norms. Better assessing - and balancing - US and European capabilities. Conducting joint analysis. Promoting transatlantic bridges between non-state actors. Engaging more often in transatlantic public debate.