Professor John Douglas Macready offers a post-foundational account of human dignity by way of a reconstructive reading of Hannah Arendt. He argues that Arendt’s experience of political violence and genocide in the twentieth century, as well as her experience as a stateless person, led her to rethink human dignity as an intersubjective event of political experience. By tracing the contours of Arendt’s thoughts on human dignity, Professor Macready offers convincing evidence that Arendt was engaged in retrieving the political experience that gave rise to the concept of human dignity in order to move beyond the traditional accounts of human dignity that relied principally on the status and stature of human beings. This allowed Arendt to retrofit the concept for a new political landscape and reconceive human dignity in terms of stance—how human beings stand in relationship to one another. Professor Macready elucidates Arendt’s latent political ontology as a resource for developing strictly political account of human dignity hat he calls conditional dignity—the view that human dignity is dependent on political action, namely, the preservation and expression of dignity by the person, and/or the recognition by the political community. He argues that it is precisely this “right” to have a place in the world—the right to belong to a political community and never to be reduced to the status of stateless animality—that indicates the political meaning of human dignity in Arendt’s political philosophy.

Since the fall of President Suharto in May 1998, Indonesia, the third largest country in Asia, has been facing a political, economic and social crisis. Racial and religious clashes, culminating in riots, burning and chaos, have become a daily event throughout the country. There are signs that this multi-racial, multi-religious and multi-cultural country may disintegrate just as Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. There are two major reasons why Indonesia is facing the crisis. First, Suharto failed to keep the balance of power between the armed forces and Islam, just as Sukarno had failed in his interplay of strength between Communism and the armed forces. When the balance was tilted, chaos and disasters followed. The second reason is that the Indonesian people, at least a section of them, have lost the spirit of tolerance -- symbolised in the Indonesian state crest, Bhenneka Tunggal Ika ('Unity in Diversity') -- which is so vital in a multi-religious and plural society. The mass killing of thousands of ethnic Chinese on 13 May 1998; the appearance of mysterious 'ninja' murders, the burning of churches and mosques, and the religious clashes between Christians and Muslims in Ambon have all indicated that this spirit of tolerance which was once so strongly imbedded in the Indonesian culture is fast evaporating. There seems to be no more rule of law in the country. The cry for 'jihad' among the Muslims in Jakarta, to take revenge on the Christians in Ambon, is making the more moderate religious leaders panicky. There is a tendency among the Indonesians to take the law into their own hands. Some extreme Muslims even hope to establish an Islamic State of Indonesia. Economically, Indonesia'scommerce and industries have been ruined, with foreign investors shunning the country. Millions of people are dying everyday from hunger. The economic situation is deteriorating everyday. The author of this book is the for

Nobility and Kingship in Medieval England is a major new account of the relationship between Edward I and his earls, and of the role of the English nobility in thirteenth-century governance. Re-evaluating crown-noble relations of the period, Spencer challenges traditional interpretations of Edward's reign, showing that his reputed masterfulness has been overplayed and that his kingship was far subtler, and therefore more effective, than this stereotype would suggest. Drawing from key earldoms such as Lincoln, Lancaster, Cornwall and Warenne, the book reveals how nobles created local followings and exercised power at a local level as well as surveying the political, governmental, social and military lives of the earls, prompting us to rethink our perception of their position in thirteenth-century politics. Adopting a powerful revisionist perspective, Spencer presents a major new statement about thirteenth-century England; one which will transform our understanding of politics and kingship in the period.

This engaging introduction shows how ideas of aristocracy originated in ancient times, were transformed in the middle ages, and have only fallen apart over the last two centuries.

The Encyclopedia of Social Theory contains over 500 entries varying from concise definitions of key terms and short biographies of key theorists to comprehensive surveys of leading concepts, debates, themes and schools. The object of the Encyclopedia has been to give thorough coverage of the central topics in theoretical sociology as well as terms