The twentieth century bears the indelible imprint of both communism and Nazism. Today, it sometimes seems as if the former is all but forgotten, at least among Western elites, while our cultural memory of the latter is an inextinguishable fire. This inequality is surprising and calls out for explanation, a task the French political thinker Alain Besancon attempts here in a wise and elegant meditation. In examining the horror and destruction caused by both of these terrible ideologies, Besancon finds that recourse to theology is necessary if we are to achieve even feeble illumination. He also explains why, even with the full knowledge of the extent of communism's crimes, the uniqueness of the Shoah ought to be accepted without reservation.

The twentieth century bears the indelible imprint of both communism and Nazism. Today, it sometimes seems as if the former is all but forgotten, at least among Western elites, while our cultural memory of the latter is an inextinguishable fire. This inequality is surprising and calls out for explanation, a task the French political thinker Alain Besancon attempts here in a wise and elegant meditation. In examining the horror and destruction caused by both of these terrible ideologies, Besancon finds that recourse to theology is necessary if we are to achieve even feeble illumination. He also explains why, even with the full knowledge of the extent of communism's crimes, the uniqueness of the Shoah ought to be accepted without reservation.

The twentieth century bears the indelible imprint of both communism and Nazism. Today, it sometimes seems as if the former is all but forgotten, at least among Western elites, while our cultural memory of the latter is an inextinguishable fire. This inequality is surprising and calls out for explanation, a task the French political thinker Alain Besancon attempts here in a wise and elegant meditation. In examining the horror and destruction caused by both of these terrible ideologies, Besancon finds that recourse to theology is necessary if we are to achieve even feeble illumination. He also explains why, even with the full knowledge of the extent of communism's crimes, the uniqueness of the Shoah ought to be accepted without reservation.

The most renowned writers, illustrators, publishers, actors, and filmmakers are drawn together in this exquisite portrayal of horror. Every media from comics, paperbacks, hardcovers, and movies is represented in full color.

The British horror film is almost as old as cinema itself. 'English Gothic' traces the rise and fall of the genre from its 19th century beginnings, encompassing the lost films of the silent era, the Karloff and Lugosi chillers of the 1930s, the lurid Hammer classics, and the explicit shockers of the 1970s.

A collection of horror stories from around the world.

In Horrors of War, Tudjman combines his first-hand war-torn Yugoslavian experience with a vast knowledge of history, philosophy and literature to prove that violence and retribution are not new to this world, and unfortunately show no sign of abatement. As part of his review of violence in history, and it's political uses, Tudjman examines the Yugoslav Communist creation of a croation 'black legend', attempting to fix the blame for the world war II crimes of Croatia's Ustasha puppet government on the entire Croation people. In particular, he assesses the nature and scope of the crimes committed by the Ustasha government, particularly at the Jasenovac death camp. He concludes that, although Jasenovac was a cruel and terrible place where tens of thousands were murdered, it does not and cannot justify the delegitimization of the Croatian nation. He chronicles the systematic use by the Yugoslav regime of Jasenovac and the ustasha terror as a tool in it's attempt to eliminate Croatian aspirations towards independence. He brings up the fact that the anti-fascist movement in Croatia was one of the strongest anti-fascist movements not only in Yugoslavia but also in Europe. Franjo Tudjman is the president of the Republic of Croatia and a signer of the Dayton Accords.