With Trump in the White House, big business has direct power in government. Trump has stacked his cabinet with former employees of investment banks, big oil and international corporations. Now that big business has its representatives in the cabinet, it no longer needs to indulge in expensive lobbying. Under Trump, corporations control US policy. How and why did this happen and what does it mean for the bulk of the population? T. J. Coles presents the background to Trump’s rise, tracing the history of economic neoliberalism. He shows what a ‘liberal economy’ means in practice: privatization of public resources, cutting ‘red tape’ for corporations and internationalizing volatile money markets. For ordinary working people, neoliberalism translates to ongoing falls in living standards, fewer protections for workers, spiralling housing costs and social cutbacks. As a consequence, many voters are turning their backs on mainstream politics, with some supporting far-right, populist parties, including the Trump faction of the Republican Party and UKIP in Britain – despite the fact that these parties support the very policies that make ordinary people poorer. President Trump, Inc. exposes the Trump hoax. Trump sold himself as a maverick, but in reality big business has been lobbying Congress for years to do what he campaigned for: tearing up the international TPP trade agreement, keeping out low-skilled immigrants whilst fast-tracking specific foreign workers, and helping repatriate corporations to the US. Trump’s apparently personal agenda – to Make America Great Again – is actually big business’s wish list. Coles concludes on a positive note, offering tangible hope. Real change, he notes, doesn’t come from the top-down. Millions of people all over the world are working at the local level to win power back from centralized elites for their communities. The first step in this process of true democratization is to understand what’s really happening, and Coles’ essential analysis provides a clear picture of the present reality.

One of our great urbanists and one of our great public health experts join forces to reckon with how cities are changing in the face of existential threats the pandemic has only accelerated Cities can make us sick. That’s always been true—diseases spread more easily when more people are close to one another. And cities have been demonized as breeding grounds for vice and crime from Sodom and Gomorrah on. But cities have flourished nonetheless because they are humanity’s greatest invention, indispensable engines for creativity, innovation, wealth, and civilization itself. But cities now stand at a crossroads. During the global COVID crisis, cities grew silent; the normal forms of socializing ground to a halt. How permanent are these changes? Advances in technology mean that many people can opt out of city life as never before. Will they? Are we on the brink of a post-urban world? City life will survive, but individual cities face terrible risks, argue Edward Glaeser and David Cutler, and a wave of urban failure would be absolutely disastrous. In terms of intimacy and inspiration, nothing can replace what cities offer. But great cities have always demanded great management, and our current crisis has exposed fearful gaps in our capacity for good governance. In America, Glaeser and Cutler argue, deep inequities in health care and education are a particular blight on the future of our cities; solving them will be the difference between our collective good health and a downward spiral to a much darker place.

Statistics maven Cheryl Russell--editorial director of "New Strategist Publications"--offers a fast-paced adventure in trend spotting, separates facts from fantasy, and applies a hefty dose of common sense to provide a deeper understanding of the processes at work in American society.

How American respectability has been built by maligning those who don't make the grade How did Americans come to think of themselves as respectable members of the middle class? Was it just by earning a decent living? Or did it require something more? And if it did, what can we learn that may still apply? The quest for middle-class respectability in nineteenth-century America is usually described as a process of inculcating positive values such as honesty, hard work, independence, and cultural refinement. But clergy, educators, and community leaders also defined respectability negatively, by maligning individuals and groups—“misfits”—who deviated from accepted norms. Robert Wuthnow argues that respectability is constructed by “othering” people who do not fit into easily recognizable, socially approved categories. He demonstrates this through an in-depth examination of a wide variety of individuals and groups that became objects of derision. We meet a disabled Civil War veteran who worked as a huckster on the edges of the frontier, the wife of a lunatic who raised her family while her husband was institutionalized, an immigrant religious community accused of sedition, and a wealthy scion charged with profiteering. Unlike respected Americans who marched confidently toward worldly and heavenly success, such misfits were usually ignored in paeans about the nation. But they played an important part in the cultural work that made America, and their story is essential for understanding the “othering” that remains so much a part of American culture and politics today.