TPQ’s Summer issue, NATO in 2020 and Beyond: New Strategies and Frontiers, offers insights on the Alliance’s current challenges and future security trends, while offering a look into Euro-Atlantic relations in the coming decade. It is clear that as the international security landscape is rapidly changing, member states’ capabilities, resilience, and most importantly, their commitment will be put to the test. In December 2019, NATO Leaders gathered in London to celebrate the Alliance’s 70-year history and assess the current state of transatlantic bonds. A growing list of both internal and external issues that will continue to be important for NATO were discussed, including Russia’s deployment of intermediate-range missiles, NATO’s expansion policy, China’s growing influence on the international stage, and strategic divisions among member states. The COVID-19 pandemic poses a particularly pressing challenge to NATO and its crisis response efforts. Headlining the Summer 2020 issue is NATO Assistant Secretary General Baiba Braze, whose article focuses on the Alliance’s resilience in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Underlining the importance of multilateralism in the face of global crises, Braze explains NATO’s role in supporting wider efforts to fight the virus, while also critically preventing the health crisis from spawning security crises. Braze concludes by outlining NATO’s 2030 vision, which prioritizes making the Alliance stronger politically, as well as extending its global reach. Discussing the future of the transatlantic relationship in a declining liberal world order, Senior Advisor to the President of Turkey Gülnur Aybet argues that the policies of certain allies have forced Turkey to become a “self-help” state. Aybet illustrates a revised and inclusive liberal world order in which Turkey is understood in its own context, and thus, approached accordingly. Other topics taken up in this issue are the consequences of the INF Treaty’s demise and NATO’s digital public diplomacy efforts. Several of our authors discuss NATO’s expansion policy, including North Macedonia’s recent accession as the Alliance’s 30th member and the prospective memberships of Ukraine and Georgia.

NATO is once again in the spotlight. A NATO summit concluded on Monday 14 June 2021 in Brussels, ending with important decisions charting the Alliance’s path over the next decade and beyond. NATO has served as a pillar of stability and security for more than seven decades, while the world has become more complex, with a host of new players, threats, and challenges. Allied leaders endorsed an ambitious NATO 2030 agenda to ensure that NATO can meet the challenges of today and tomorrow. While the Alliance concluded to improve NATO’s political consultations, collective defense, and resilience, leaders agreed upon providing better training and capacity building to its partners in order to stand up for the rules-based international order. In light of these commitments, TPQ’s Summer 2021 issue serves as a starting point for a well-informed debate by synthesizing and comparing expert discourses from a wide range of NATO member and non-member states on key issues concerning NATO's future. As we address the issues at stake, we also seek a better mutual appreciation of divergent geographical, historical, and political perspectives. This special and timely issue has been published in collaboration with NATO, our longstanding partner. Mircea Geoana, NATO Deputy Secretary General, expresses that the security environment has never been more uncertain and contested than it is now, due to the emergence of global competition and a wide variety of complex threats. He underlines the importance of NATO summit in Brussels last June, at which the Alliance's leaders made bold decisions to adapt to a more unpredictable world and to ensure that its one billion people will be safe for the next decade and beyond. In his view, the Transatlantic Alliance will remain capable of coping with today's challenges and future-proof against ones yet to come through an ambitious and forward-looking agenda. When President Biden visited Brussels in June, he declared, "America is back." According to Jamie Shea, a former Deputy Assistant Secretary General for Emerging Security Challenges at NATO, this also means that NATO is back, as Biden reaffirmed the U.S.' solemn commitment to the defense of its European allies and Washington's willingness to once again lead a transatlantic alliance that was heavily criticized during the Trump years. He writes that at first sight, this is all good news for NATO; but could it turn out to be a mixed blessing for the Europeans in the longer run? He analyzes whether the NATO 2030 initiative is up to the task and if it provides the right answers. Due to NATO's reliance on space assets for operational effectiveness and the increased vulnerabilities of those assets, the militarization of outer space presents a range of policy and legal challenges. Having to rely on space-based assets and services to conduct military operations has proven to be NATO's Achilles heel as rivals work on counter-space techniques. Aurel Sari, Associate Professor of International Law at University of Exeter and Hitoshi Nasu, Professor of International Law at University of Exeter ask given the vulnerability of space-based assets and services to hostile interference, under what circumstances the collective defense commitment as set out in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty (NAT), arises in space.

Historically speaking, technology has been one of the main determinants in international politics due to its impact on economic development and warfare. However, lately, its preponderancy is becoming more inclusive considering that technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) Internet of Things (IoT), big data, blockchain, 3D printing, etc. are evolving faster than ever. From the Ukraine-Russia war and the energy crisis to the global economic and social crisis to the deepening great powers rivalry, all point to the importance of emerging technologies. Specifically, technology has become a key asset in the framework of international relations, and the so-called technopolitics –the entanglement of technology with politics– is impacting global affairs at the international and national levels. Primarily, emerging technologies have a transformative impact on the actors of the international order. While the existing Western-led international system had at its core the Westphalian principles, with states as the main actors, it is expected that in the close future this will be challenged by the tech giants who are now driving the technological revolution. Considering the state’s dependency on tech giants for the development of emerging technologies and the impact of these technologies on economic development and national security, it is understandable that the power of tech giants will increase. So, when faced with an international crisis, states and international/regional institutions will not be the only actors sitting at the table. Furthermore, the structure and hierarchy of the international system will be shaped by the evolution of technology. Seen both from the economic and military perspectives, the early adoption of these emerging technologies will provide a strategic advantage for the early users, which undoubtedly is directly reflected in the power of states and their position within the existing order. While some states become more successful than others in the production, development, and adoption of these technologies, the hierarchy between states will change as well, leading to a new global order. The ongoing great power competition –especially between the U.S. and China– can be understood within this framework as it would not be wrong to assert that technological competition is the main ground of rivalry. Both states consider technological development as the main asset to achieve their national goal, for the U.S. it is to maintain its leadership in the existing system; while China aims to leapfrog the U.S. and become a superpower. As technology shapes and changes the relations among states, so will other aspects of politics be affected, such as diplomacy and warfare. While the creation and advancement of the Metaverse are considered to revolutionize diplomacy, the application of artificial intelligence in the military is indeed revolutionizing warfare. As mentioned previously the proper and quick adoption of these emerging technologies in the political agenda is directly related to the reflection of a state’s power in the international system. In this context, lagging in this technological revolution would be detrimental to a state. Türkiye is one of the few states that is not only aware of the benefits of the early adoption of the new technologies but has also taken important steps in this regard. Becoming official in 2019, Türkiye has announced its policies called “National Technology Initiative” and “Digital Türkiye.” Both policies are impacting every sector of life in Türkiye –i.e., industry, health, education, defense, etc.– and aim to transform the state’s technological future by using its local capacities to produce high-tech products. As a result, Türkiye will gain more economic and technological independence which will place Türkiye among the most technologically developed states in the future. To illustrate this point, Türkiye’s defense industry has been revolutionized within the concept of the National Technology Initiative. Henceforth, today Türkiye has become one of the leading global actors in terms of the production and use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs). The impact of the emerging technologies in every aspect of human life is unequivocal, however, this special issue of Insight Turkey will focus mainly on how technopolitics is shaping the states’ policies, with a special focus on Türkiye. Within this context, this issue includes 8 research papers and 5 commentaries, all of which offer a novel perspective on the subjects they address. Our commentary section features two on-topic and three off-topic pieces. In his inquisitive commentary, Richard A. Bitzinger seeks to illustrate how the technologies incorporated into the upcoming 4th industrial revolution, and AI in particular, promise to represent a radical paradigm shift in the form and conduct of combat in the future. Bitzinger’s analysis makes it clear that these technologies will probably also have a significant influence on international rivalries between large powers, aspirational regional actors, or governments who view technology as a vital force multiplier. This analysis, we believe, will shed light on how new and emerging critical technologies are challenging the traditional warfighting paradigm, as well as how militaries can access and leverage these innovations. In our second on-topic commentary Bruno Maçães challenges readers to consider climate change and its impact on global politics bravely and originally. According to Maçães, we cannot refer to climate change as a byproduct of the Anthropocene, the world that humans have created. Because of our limited potential to influence natural processes and consequent inability to control the unintended effects of our activities and decisions, climate change is still fundamentally a natural phenomenon that humans have only just begun to cause. Intriguingly, Maçães contends that joining the Anthropocene for the first time, as opposed to leaving it, is the solution to the climate problem. Our research articles cover a wide range of topics that are all important to the relationship between technological advancements and global politics. In the first paper of the line, Erman Akıllı launches a stimulating conversation about the future success of the Metaverse, which depends, according to the author, on the creation of universes that are founded on global organizations or regional integrations rather than monopolization. Instead of offering quick fixes, Akıllı poses some tough questions. For instance, he raises our attention to unanswered questions regarding state sovereignty in general and the issue of how a state can exercise its sovereign authority in the Metaverse. The author also emphasizes the vast prospects that the metaverse offers for nations to engage in cultural diplomacy. In line with this, the author describes efforts to build the Turkoverse, a metaverse based on the Turkic world, which would allow for unrestricted movement of people and goods inside the Turkic World while eliminating the physical gap between member states’ capitals. In the upcoming article, Javadbay Khalilzade describes how UAVs, or combat drones have proliferated and how this has changed and shaped modern warfare. The article looks at Türkiye as a manufacturer and active user of UAVs in wars in Africa and the Middle East. The case study in the article also looks at Azerbaijan, a third-tier small state that depends on drone exports but is ambitious enough to use drones to make its presence felt in the region and liberate its lands. The article makes the case that drones give militaries a tactical edge, improve combat precision, and broaden the arsenals available for fighting insurgencies; yet drone proliferation also makes states more prone to conflict and compromises regional peace and security. In the following research article, Nezir Akyeşilmen investigates the documents, policies, strategies, measures, and organizational structures of Türkiye’s national cybersecurity strategy. Is Türkiye’s cybersecurity strategy properly designed to deal with the new security environment in the hyper-anarchic world of cyberspace? Following a thorough examination of Türkiye’s cybersecurity strengths and weaknesses, Akyeşilmen responds prudently to this question: Türkiye’s technical performance is relatively weaker than its legal performance, necessitating the development and implementation of a centralized cybersecurity strategy by a large and powerful institution. Following Akyeşilmen’s insightful criticism, Ali Burak Darıcılı evaluates the Turkish National Intelligence Organization’s (Millî İstihbarat Teşkilatı, MİT) increasing operational capacity in the context of high-technology products. Darıcılı concludes that MİT’s domestic technology capabilities have made a significant contribution to Türkiye’s counter-terrorism activities, achievement of regional foreign policy goals, deployment of hard power in the field when necessary, and efforts to become a proactive actor in the region. Then, Cenay Babaoğlu questions how the pandemic process has affected the increasing digitalization of public administrations with the rising use of technology in administrative functions as our focus shifts from security to public administration. The author recalls that, with support from both supply and demand, the COVID-19 pandemic has been a driving force in government digitalization. As the author explains, following this trend, and particularly with the transition to the Presidential Government System in 2018, the Presidency Digital Transformation Office, which was established as the coordinator of digital transformation, played an important role in Türkiye during the pandemic. In what follows, Narmina Mamishova examines Türkiye’s vaccine diplomacy and its role in the country’s efforts to maintain and expand its stakes in the global power configuration. Highlighting how, since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, public health has emerged as a key issue of discourse among states, the authors show how Türkiye has managed to consolidate its strength in the international arena through both skillful balancing in terms of vaccine deals and well-packaged humanitarian efforts. The author argues that Türkiye has been successful in achieving this through persevering in the pursuit of a proactive, comprehensive policy, in which the sole standard for a move’s legitimacy would be its alignment with the nation’s national interests. As we shine a spotlight on the economy in the post-COVID-19 era, Bilal Bagis focuses on the ways a new instrument, central bank digital currency, is projected to improve contemporary payment systems, strengthen the effectiveness of the monetary policy, and assure financial stability in the new period. Following the 2008 Crisis and the 2020 Pandemic, as well as innovations such as the all-new cryptocurrencies and stable coins, many central banks have expressed an interest in introducing their own digital money, according to the paper. Anticipating that physical currencies will inevitably be digitalized, one way or the other, the author poses a valid question: “why not embrace the trend and the new technology, regulate and then make sure digital currencies satisfy all the functions of a regular conventional physical currency?” In a similar spirit, in our final research paper, Mehmet Rıda Tür makes the prediction that AI will soon overtake humans as the primary decision-makers in the energy sector. For the author, making the energy system more flexible and establishing a smart supply system with domestic and renewable energy resources at its core is necessary to prevent any bottlenecks in satisfying the energy demand of all countries including Türkiye. From our off-topic pieces, Mahmut Özer, the Minister of National Education of Türkiye, elaborates on the process of universalization from elementary to higher education in Türkiye, describing how it gave priority to areas with comparatively lower rates of schooling by making large investments and carrying out large initiatives. Özer explains how, because of recent changes the nation has undergone in the education sector, Türkiye’s educational system has been able to overcome the difficulties it had inherited from the past and has strengthened its capacity to become even more effective and equitable for all pupils. In the following off-topic commentary, Nurşin Ateşoğlu Güney focused on the most recent achievement of Türkiye in bringing the warring sides of Ukraine and Russia to an agreement on the transfer of grain from Ukraine’s ports. Güney contends that this is a result of Ankara’s long-standing sensible approach of maintaining communication with both capitals despite hostilities to maintain access to both. She concludes that the prospect of growing food scarcity conditions and subsequently the projected worldwide crisis appears to have been avoided for the time being thanks to Türkiye’s effective mediating performance, which will also be conducive to alleviating the negative conditions caused by the likelihood of food shortages in locations like Egypt, Lebanon, and elsewhere. The political and strategic repercussions of Russia’s war against Ukraine are examined by Sabrina P. Ramet and Aleksander Zdravkovski in the final commentary. The authors claim that because of the war in Ukraine, Serbia may now see an opportunity to conclude some unfinished business. Serbia has recently been buying weapons from China and Russia for this purpose, and it has also tried to buy 12 fighter jets from France. The recent armaments buildup by Serbia is unlikely to be for defensive purposes, as the writers draw our attention to the fact that none of Serbia’s neighbors or any other states for that matter pose a threat to Serbia. All things considered, we endeavored to explore as many facets as possible of the interplay between new technology advancements and Turkish technopolitics in the Summer 2022 issue of Insight Turkey. We hope and believe that the insightful and stimulating debates raised on the issue will be helpful to our readers.

In response to the shifting landscape of international politics, the most current TPQ issue focuses on "NATO's Changing Priorities." We present thirteen insightful essays for our Summer 2022 edition from prominent figures in academia, journalism, and nongovernmental organizations. Ten of these articles address the changing priorities of NATO in more general terms, while three others take this phenomenon in light of the effects of the most recent Russian invasion of Ukraine. Several significant new difficulties for the global order emerged in the wake of the Russian invasion. NATO has proposed a new Strategic Concept, which was emphasized at its most recent Summit in Madrid, in response to these fresh concerns. TPQ explores not just the potential of this recent, significant document but also examines the more considerable consequences of it on the global stage. Transatlantic Policy Quarterly's publication interests have always been significantly inspired by the Alliance's agenda. We hope that by concentrating on NATO's Changing Priorities in our Summer 2022 issue, we will be able to better inform our readers about the shifting framework of international relations. Carmen Romero provides an exciting overview of the recent Strategic Concept outlined by NATO in its Madrid Summit. She correctly draws attention to the novelty of this novel idea in light of the circumstances surrounding its revelation. Additionally, she thinks that the important choices made at the Summit will guarantee that NATO keeps adapting and protecting its members in an increasingly dangerous and competitive world. An overview of these choices is given in this article within the framework of the Alliance's increasingly erratic security environment. E. Fuat Keyman highlights that the NATO summit in Madrid was significant and essential, but it wasn't enough. To support his claim, he thoroughly examines NATO's new strategic concept, its crucial significance, its transformational impact, and the six obstacles it confronts. As NATO today finds itself in a period of strategic rivalry, in his opinion, the organization's most recent Strategic Concept reflects a very different threat environment. It acknowledges for the first time that the Euro-Atlantic region is "not at peace," but instead that strategic rivalry and general instability threaten regional security. Ahmet O. Evin offers a careful method that considers contextual circumstances. According to him, NATO now looks to be taking on the role of a champion for both the liberal order and the shared principles of the transatlantic Alliance. Moreover, he also focuses on the longer-term effects of the shifting dynamics in international events on ordinary individuals by saying that unhappiness brought on by the stagnant economy, the growing cost of living, and perhaps energy shortages may be expected to expand the ranks of those opposed to the war and its effects on the quality of life in Europe. We encourage you to find out more about the elements that make up NATO's Changing Priorities.

This book discusses the threats and challenges facing the Persian Gulf and the future security in the region, providing an overview of the major regional and extra-regional actors in Gulf security. It argues that except for Iran, no regional or extra-regional actors, including the United States, China, India and Russia, have developed a strategy for Persian Gulf security, and only Turkey has expressed a willingness to provide security for the region. Importantly, the major threats to Persian Gulf security are nonconventional, rather than external, threats to Iranian hegemony or the balance of power. In conclusion, it predicts that the power struggle in the Persian Gulf in the coming decades will be between Iran and Turkey, and not between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This book is of interest to diplomats, journalists, international affairs specialists, strategists and scholars of Gulf politics and security and defence studies.

Turkey’s contemporary defense and military strategy can be best understood as a result of the historical process the country has experienced. This historical process has significantly altered the security environment surrounding Turkey while transforming her alliance relations, ultimately producing a new political vision for the country and a defense and military strategy that serves this vision. Firstly, although the end of the Cold War and the ensuing dissolution of the Soviet Union has ameliorated international security, Turkey was faced with both conventional and asymmetric threats on multiple fronts. This situation kept defense spending of the country at record levels despite military expenditures within NATO showing a rapid decline. On the other hand, the emerging political geography led to a series of new conflicts erupting in several hotspots, from the Balkans through to the Caucasus and the Middle East. Emerging conflicts were thought to require a common response which precipitated NATO’s evolution from a collective defense organization to a collective security organization. Concurrently, it meant that Turkey would actively join NATO’s new missions ranging from the peaceful resolution of disputes to stability operations with expeditionary forces featured by mobility, jointness, and readiness. Secondly, the 9/11 terrorist attacks against the U.S. created profound ramifications for Turkey’s regional security and her alliance relations. In particular, the American military occupation of Iraq jeopardized Turkey’s national security by effectively removing the political authority of that country and dismantling the Iraqi army. While the emerging political vacuum was filled by sectarian politics, the scarcity of security was exploited by the PKK, consolidating its presence in northern Iraqi territories. Divided Iraq has also transformed into a breeding ground for international terrorism which resulted in the rise of various extremist armed organizations, including ISIS. Thirdly, since the so-called Arab spring started in the early 2010s, the political and security landscape of the Middle East and North Africa has undergone significant changes. While the overthrow of dictators led to intra-state conflicts in several places, it was particularly the civil war in Syria that alarmed Turkish decision-makers due to its transformation into a safe haven for various terrorist groups operating at Turkey’s southern frontiers. Bereft of concrete ally support, Turkey unilaterally launched military operations into northern Syria in order to eliminate ISIS elements as well as curbing the long-term territorial ambitions of the PKK. The Arab spring has also aggravated previous tensions and engendered various factions that facilitated new alignments which is the case for today’s Eastern Mediterranean and Arab-Israeli relations. Against the backdrop of these considerations, Turkey’s contemporary defense and military strategy has been formed. In general, this strategy lays down the principles of using military force to support the political aims of the country. It operates as a “bridge” between policy and operation, in a classical sense. And that strategy is now not just informed by protecting the territorial integrity of the nation but has wider objectives, including enhancing the country’s international standing as well as achieving strategic autonomy. This in turn has necessitated new tools that extend beyond a sole deterrent force, namely military activism, and defense industry investments, along with the contribution to international security and commitments to the NATO alliance. The summer issue of Insight Turkey aims to explain the changing dynamics of Turkey’s military and defense strategy by taking into consideration current foreign and security policy practices of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa region. More specifically, this issue is an attempt to develop a new framework to understand Turkey’s revolution in its military and defense strategies. Hulusi Akar, the Minister of National Defense of Turkey, in his commentary sheds light on the global and regional developments that threaten Turkey’s peace and stability and which contributed to shaping its defense strategy. A strategy that targets finding common solutions to international problems in a collaborative way. Akar gives special attention to the contribution of the distinguished, deterrent, efficient, motivated, well-trained, and disciplined Armed Forces that are equipped with high-level weaponry produced domestically using national resources. Within the context of the Turkish Defense Industry’s strong historical background, İsmail Demir highlights the transformation and rationality of the Turkish Defense Industry. He emphasizes the necessity of addressing the recent rise of the Turkish Defense Industry in two different but interrelated periods. The first provided the defense industry with strong support with an extremely decisive and long-term projection. The second represents the transformation of the expectations from the defense industry, in coordination with the changing position and function of the defense industry in bureaucratic mechanisms. Michaël Tanchum’s commentary is a coherent and rigorous analysis of the logical result of Turkey’s post-Cold War strategic reorientation, presented in its new expeditionary capability of enhanced naval capacity and new forward bases. Michaël examines Ankara’s challenge of calibrating the use of its hard power instruments to serve its post-Lausanne strategic orientation toward establishing Turkey-centered, inter-regional connectivity. In the middle of the COVID-19 global pandemic, Minister of Health of the Republic of Turkey, Fahrettin Koca, underscores the role of Turkey in the management of COVID-19. His commentary asserts that Turkey has successfully contained the COVID-19 pandemic and prevented devastating consequences due to its idiosyncratic approach to the crisis and the robustness of its healthcare system. After 85 years as a museum, Hagia Sophia welcomes Muslim worshippers’, a decision that has drawn intense criticism in Turkey and worldwide. However, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey, Yavuz Selim Kıran, argues that the functional change of Hagia Sophia will not affect Turkey’s centuries-old tradition of promoting tolerance, harmony, and diversity. The final off-topic commentary of this issue underlines the challenges to Pakistan’s nuclear threshold. Muhammad Haris Bilal Malik and Muhammad Abbas Hassan explain why Pakistan has been further threatened by India’s aggressive policies and provocative military modernization. The commentary concludes that Pakistan may be compelled to further revisit its nuclear threshold level to overcome India’s aggression. Besides the commentaries, this issue comprises five articles that focus on the Turkish Defense Industry past, present, and future and underline the factors that led to its remarkable evolution. The first article by Murat Yeşiltaş presents a general framework of Turkey’s Military and Defense Strategy. By taking into account the main drivers, primary objectives, and essential pillars, as well as its tangible repercussions on the military mindset, the author explains how the change in Turkey’s defense and military strategy stems both from Turkey’s changing security landscape and its quest to be an assertive regional player. Can Kasapoğlu’s research article covers two interrelated strategic topics regarding Turkey’s national military capacity in the 21st century: its defense technological and industrial base and its military policy, both currently characterized by a burgeoning assertiveness. In light of the rapid advances in technology that are continually shaping developments in the aerospace and defense sector, notably the evolution of airpower, Arda Mevlütoğlu, provides us with an understanding of the features of the next generation of air warfare, while presenting the status of the Turkish Air Force and offering suggestions on several challenges and opportunities. As a reply to the critics that Turkey is caught between a rock and a hard place due to the adamant opposition of its NATO allies, Mustafa Kibaroğlu tries to make sense of Turkey’s S-400 choice by assessing the impact of the S-400 deal on Turkey’s defense industries. On one hand, he presents his conception of the current “international political non-order” as an underlying factor behind the deal. On the other, he suggests that the deal must be approached from a wider perspective to grasp the extent of the service it has done in bolstering Turkey’s military-industrial complex. The last article related to the main theme of this issue focuses on Turkey’s defense spending. Merve Seren attempts to show that prioritization of defense spending during the AK Party era is specifically the outcome of a political preference. In other words, the shift in the political landscape from idealism to realism, associated with pragmatism. Our initial off-topic article highlights how Trump’s peace plan optimistically called the “Deal of the Century” adopts the Zionist discourse regarding al-Aqsa and its effects on undermining the Muslim sovereignty over the mosque, which will be a clear violation of the International law and status quo. Khalid el-Awaisi and Cuma Yavuz investigate the results of the implementation of Trump’s plan which they assert will lead to three main changes that would undo the centuries-old status quo of Masjid al-Aqsa completely and give Israel full control over this important historic and religious site. Ahmad AlShwawra and Ahmad Almuhtady’s off-topic article completes the dossier of this issue. The authors examine the potential implications of Jordan’s decision to import Mediterranean gas through Israel on Jordanian energy security, with special attention to how this decision will impact Jordanian foreign policy regarding the Palestinian cause. Through a wide range of articles and commentaries, this issue aims to bring to its readers a comprehensive framework on the transformation of Turkey’s Defense Industry and changing patterns of its military strategy.

Moral Hazard is a core concept in economics. In a nutshell, moral hazard reflects the reduced incentive to protect against risk where an entity is (or believes it will be) protected from its consequences, whether through an insurance arrangement or an implicit or explicit guarantee system. It is fundamentally driven by information asymmetry, arises in all sectors of the economy, including banking, medical insurance, financial insurance, and governmental support, undermines the stability of our economic systems and has burdened taxpayers in all developed countries, resulting in significant costs to the community. Despite the seriousness and pervasiveness of moral hazard, policymakers and scholars have failed to address this issue. This book fills this gap. It covers 200 years of moral hazard: from its origins in the 19th century to the bailouts announced in the aftermath of the COVID-19 outbreak. The book is divided into three parts. Part I deals with the ethics and other fundamental issues connected to moral hazard. Part II provides historical and empirical evidence on moral hazard in international finance. It examines in turn the role of the export credit industry, the international lender of last resort, and the IMF. Finally, Part III examines specific sectors such as automobile, banking, and the US industry at large. This is the first book to provide an interdisciplinary analysis of moral hazard and explain why addressing this issue has become crucial today. As such, it will attract interest from scholars across different fields, including economists, political scientists and lawyers.