The fall of the West German government in 1982 ended the 13-year rule of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) as the senior coalition partner under Chancellors Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt. In perpetual opposition from 1949 to 1966, the Social Democrats finally entered the government as the junior coalition party in 1966; three years later they assumed primary responsibility for guiding the nation. The central theme of this detailed examination of the SPD during its years of governance is that social and economic forces in the nation had a major effect, often unsettling, on the party at a time when it had achieved the pinnacle of political power. Significant changes in the party's organization, membership, leadership, factionalism, ideology, and voter support limited its role within the political system (in the executive and legislative branches) and its influence on domestic and foreign policies. Yet, its ability to remain in power for a comparatively long period attests to its strength and respectability among the voting public. Dr. Gerard Braunthal draws on a wealth of documentation, some unpublished, located primarily in German archives and libraries. In addition, he interviewed more than 120 persons, ranging from the top SPD leaders to staff officials, members, and other specialists, to gain a greater understanding of a party that is one of the most powerful in Western Europe and in the social democratic world, and whose organization has been a model of the twentieth-century mass party.

This thoroughly revised edition of The West German Social Democrats, 1969-1982: Profile of a Party in Power contrasts the period during which the SPD was in power with its role since 1982 as an opposition party. Even though it was the senior party in the coalition governments of chancellors Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt, it did not have the influence on domestic and foreign policy in the 1970s that it had hoped for. Nevertheless, it achieved insider status, unlike its dual competitive and cooperative opposition role vis-a-vis the conservative governments of Helmut Kohl. Braunthal also discusses the short-lived East German SPD, which formed during the crumbling months of the German Democratic Republic and then merged with the West German party shortly before unification. In a period when some analysts pronounce the victory of capitalism and the death of socialism and others decry the crises among political parties, the SPD has managed to remain relatively strong. Yet the party, argues the author, will need to enhance its support, especially in eastern Germany, if it expects to regain political power in the 1990s. Such a goal cannot be reached unless it projects a modern image, minimizes intraparty discord, copes successfully with the external social and economic forces affecting its development, and has a dynamic leadership that presents appealing policy alternatives to the Kohl government. Braunthal details the SPD's organization, leadership, factions, constituent associations, ideology, voter support and elections, relations to Parliament and government, and influence on government policies. He draws from a wealth of primary sources, including unpublished German archival records and over 200 interviews with top politicians, party officials, SPD members, and journalists. Braunthal, one of the leading Western scholars on the SPD, presents here the definitive study of this pivotal party.

The response of the middle classes to the financial crisis of 2008 is a central theme in the political systems of most developed, Western countries. This book approaches middle class politics from a historical perspective, looking at its progression since the early 1900s. The middle classes contributed significantly and in various ways to the evolution of mass politics in the West, with middle class intellectuals oriented to social and political reform, such as Leonard Hobhouse, Herbert Croly and Leon Bourgeois, influencing the setup of politics and the building of institutions in the early 20th century, and with lower-middle class disaffection fuelling protest politics in the 1890s and 1900s. The rise of Fascism in the interwar period owed much to the perception of liquidation permeating the middle classes in the 1920s and the 1930s as a result of post-World War I hardship and the Crash of 1929-31. Conversely, mass affluence during the “trente glorieuses” was the result of the post-World War II growth strategies adopted by conservatives and social democrats alike. The rise of Thatcherism led to the emergence of a more consumerist and market-oriented middle class that enjoyed a high living standard, but was subjected simultaneously to the turbulences of globalization and the fluctuations of the markets. Political realignments that are currently taking shape after the Crash of 2008 are related to the loss of status and purchasing power of the vast middle class formed during the postwar years. It is also of historical significance to compare various middle class responses in the 2010s to those to the Crash of the 1920s and 1930s. Although authoritarianism and Fascism were the ultimate outcomes of interwar politics, there were, and still are, viable democratic and socially inclusive alternatives.

First published in 1999. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

Why has democracy flourished in the Federal Republic of Germany despite that country's troubled past? Exhaustive research in German historical archives illuminates the pivotal role played by the veterans of the Christian trade unions of the Weimar Republic, the only group to participate in both of Germany's most successful political experiments after 1945, a 'Christian Democratic' party to unite Catholics and Protestants, and unified labor unions for workers of all political outlooks. They perceived that feuds between the religious confessions and competition among three rival labor federations had greatly facilitated Hitler's rise, and they resolved to bridge both chasms. Playing an influential role on the left wing of the CDU from the 1950s to the 1970s, Christian laborites alleviated class conflict through new welfare programs and laws to grant workers a powerful voice in management decisions. They took the lead in forging the distinctive 'German Model' for labor relations.

First published in 1986, this book assesses the politics of the West German trade unions in the context of their larger role as major actors in the polity. By focusing on the historical realities of the labour movement both before and after 1945, the study explains the extent to which organized labour solidified and challenged the dominant structures of politics and authority. It examines the metalworkers’ union, the construction workers’ union, the printers’ union and the chemical workers’ union and shows how the industrial reality of each organisation helped shape its political outlook and strategic thinking. This book will be of particular interest to students of trade unions, industrial relations and political economy in West Germany.

German statism as a political ideology has been the subject of many historical studies. Whereas most of these focus on theoretical texts, cultural works, and vague "traditions", this study understands German statism as a functioning logic of political membership, a logic that has helped to determine who is "in" and who is "out" with regard to the German political community. Tracing statism from the early 19th century through German unification and beyond in the 1990s, the author argues that, with its central concern for a political loyalty that is vetted "from above," it historically served the function of stabilizing the political order and containing democratic mobilization. Beginning in the 1960s, however, a mobilized German democratic consciousness "from below" gradually rejected statism as anachronistic for informing political and policy debate, and German political institutions began to respond to kind.