This study is not written from the narrow perspective of “Who gets the oil?” It is a thoughtful probing of an issue—the ownership and control of the submerged soils of the marginal sea—the outcome of which may go far to determine the division of powers between states and nation under the American federal system. American constitutional law, international law, theory of federalism, American politics, the machinations of pressure groups, use of propaganda techniques, and issues of social and economic policy—all these features of American government and many more are inherent in the controversy. In 1947, in a precedent-making decision, the Supreme Court enunciated the principle that the federal government, not the states, has “paramount rights in and power over” the marginal seas which border the coastal states, and has “full dominion over the resources under that water area, including oil.” For more than 150 years the littoral states had exercised uncontested jurisdiction and ownership over the marginal-sea area, subject only to the powers specifically granted to the national government by the Constitution. The states had regulated the fisheries within the three-mile limit, applying state laws to vessels licensed under federal statutes. Long before oil possibilities were thought of, they had granted or leased areas in the marginal seas to private persons and corporations for purposes of land reclamation and harbor development, dredging for sand and gravel, development of oyster beds, and similar projects. These property rights can far exceed in value the wealth to be derived from petroleum. A just settlement of the issue, says the author, calls for restoration to the states of control of the marginal sea out to their historical boundaries—three miles in most cases; three leagues, or ten and one-half miles, in the case of Texas and the west coast of Florida. This study is based upon thorough investigation of all literature on the subject and personal interviews and correspondence with leaders on both sides of the controversy.

In January 1969, the blowout on an offshore oil platform off the coast of Santa Barbara, California, and the resulting oil spill proved to be a transformative event in pollution control and the nascent environmental activism movement. It accelerated the advancement of federal government policies and would change the way the federal government managed environmental pollution. Over the next three years, Congress worked to pass laws such as the National Environmental Policy Act and the Clean Water Act, and revolutionized the way that the United States dealt with environmental pollution. At the same time, scientists developed methods to detect chemical pollution that had been discharged into rivers and streams by industrial facilities. Slick Policy presents an original and in-depth history of the 1969 Santa Barbara spill. Teresa Sabol Spezio provides a background of water pollution control, government oversight of federally-funded projects, and chemical detection methods in place prior to the spill. She then shows how scientists and politicians used public outrage over the spill to implement wide-ranging changes to federal environmental and science policy, and demonstrates the advancements to offshore oil drilling, pollution technology, and water protection law that resulted from these actions.

Environmental politics and policy, while gaining a significant place in the nation's consciousness, constantly comes up against the United States' desire for more development, more profit, and a collective lack of foresight. Nowhere is this more evident than in the crucial biodiversity of the world's oceans, which are victim to pollution, overharvesting, habitat destruction, and simplistic and fragmented environmental policies that do not speak to underlying problems.Robert Wilder describes how management of the world's oceans and their ecosystems has long faced two principal obstacles. The first is the seemingly infinite capacity of human apathy - something that permits us to take the sea's comfort, sustenance, ecological services, and integrity for granted. The second is the myriad lines for rigid offshore jurisdiction.That people believe the diversity of life on land should be protected is reflected in well-publicized efforts to save the celebrated biodiversity of rainforests. Far less is known, however, about protecting a larger two-thirds of this planet - the oceans. Drawing on academic literature and practical experience, Wilder illustrates the nature of the questions facing decision makers and provides intelligent, well-crafted solutions.By describing how the emerging idea of precautionary action can help build second-generation policy, Wilder offers means to halt problematic overfishing. He integrates political science with the goals of environmental protection, revealing why agencies often fail in their mission to preserve the environment, and offers fresh, sensible, new paths ahead. Wilder shows how damage to marine ecosystems often stems from distant land-based activities and details emerging ideas such as how industrial ecology can be a cost-effective way to preven pollution.Through a rigorous integration of policy and science, Wilder suggests a much-improved second-generation governance of the ocean and coasts and proposes new ideas for resolving the environmental policy stalemate found within the U.S. government.

Perhaps not southerners in the usual sense, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, and Lyndon B. Johnson each demonstrated a political style and philosophy that helped them influence the South and unite the country in ways that few other presidents have. Combining vivid biography and political insight, William E. Leuchtenburg offers an engaging account of relations between these three presidents and the South while also tracing how the region came to embrace a national perspective without losing its distinctive sense of place. According to Leuchtenburg, each man "had one foot below the Mason-Dixon Line, one foot above." Roosevelt, a New Yorker, spent much of the last twenty-five years of his life in Warm Springs, Georgia, where he built a "Little White House." Truman, a Missourian, grew up in a pro-Confederate town but one that also looked West because of its history as the entrepôt for the Oregon Trail. Johnson, who hailed from the former Confederate state of Texas, was a westerner as much as a southerner. Their intimate associations with the South gave these three presidents an empathy toward and acceptance in the region. In urging southerners to jettison outworn folkways, Roosevelt could speak as a neighbor and adopted son, Truman as a borderstater who had been taught to revere the Lost Cause, and Johnson as a native who had been scorned by Yankees. Leuchtenburg explores in fascinating detail how their unique attachment to "place" helped them to adopt shifting identities, which proved useful in healing rifts between North and South, in altering behavior in regard to race, and in fostering southern economic growth. The White House Looks South is the monumental work of a master historian. At a time when race, class, and gender dominate historical writing, Leuchtenburg argues that place is no less significant. In a period when America is said to be homogenized, he shows that sectional distinctions persist. And in an era when political history is devalued, he demonstrates that government can profoundly affect people's lives and that presidents can be change-makers.

In this important and original book, J. Richard Piper provides the most comprehensive examination to date of the profound impact of ideological prescriptions on twentieth century American politics. Piper analyzes the institutional and constitutional developments associated with the American conservative-liberal paradigm from the New Deal to the present, focusing on constitutional jurisprudence, presidential-congressional relations, the role of the judiciary, federalism, and the administrative state. Concluding that America's competing constitutional philosophies frequently serve not as ends in themselves but as instruments for attaining power and policy goals, Piper raises significant questions about the future of the conservative-liberal dichotomy that has characterized American politics since the New Deal. Ideologies and Institutions is unique in its focus on institutional prescriptions and its integration and synthesis of extensive history, political science, and sociology literature. Anyone interested in constitutional issues, political history, and the distinctions between the liberal and conservative philosophies will find Ideologies and Institutions valuable.