This book offers a thorough and fair-minded interpretation of the role of the United States in El Salvador's civil war.

"Study of strategies employed by the two sides in the recent civil war. Argues neither side was able to integrate economic, political, and military strategies into a grand strategy"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57.

Table of contents

Plagued by political instability, economic hardships, and massacres of innocent men, women, and children, El Salvador has fought for freedom throughout the centuries. No other reference source captures the suffering and adversities this ever-evolving country has faced. El Salvador's tumultuous history and recent past are clearly documented in this comprehensive volume, filling a void on high school and public library shelves. This work offers the most current coverage on this tiny Latin American nation's struggles, covering from the pre-Columbian era to economics and politics in the 21st Century. Complete with interviews and accounts from former rebels and guerillas and other victims of the country's struggle for freedom, this volume highlights a unique account of El Salvador's past-the viewpoints from the civilians who lived through it. Students will find The History of El Salvador to be an invaluable source for social studies, history, current events, and political science classes.

On November 16, 1989, On the campus of El Salvador's University of Central America, six Jesuits and two women were murdered by members of the Salvadoran army, An army funded and trained by the United States. One of the murdered Jesuits was Ignacio Ellacuría, The university's Rector and a key, although controversial, figure in Salvadoran public life. From an opening account of this terrible crime,Paying the Priceasks, Why were they killed and what have their deaths meant? Answers come through Teresa Whitfield's detailed examination of Ellacuría's life and work. His story is told in juxtaposition with the crucial role played by the unraveling investigation of the Jesuits' murders within El Salvador's peace process. A complex and nuanced book,Paying the Priceoffers a history of the Church in El Salvador in recent decades, An analysis of Ellacuría's philosophy and theology, An introduction to liberation theology, and an account of the critical importance of the University of Central America. In the end, Whitfield's comprehensive picture of conditions in El Salvador suggest that the Jesuits' murders were almost inevitable. A crime that proved a turning point in El Salvador's civil war, The murders expressed the deep tragedy of the Salvadoran people beyond suffering the heartless cruelty, violence, and deceitfulness of a corrupt military and their patrons in the U.S. government. Whitfield draws on her extensive research of Jesuit archives and private papers, Ellacuría's diaries, documents declassified by the U.S. government, and 200 interviews conducted with sources ranging from Jesuits to Salvadoran military officers, U.S. officials and congressmen to human rights campaigners. Author note:Teresa Whitfieldspent several years in El Salvador And The United States researching the murders and has also produced a television documentary of the incident, broadcast in more than eight countries. She is currently a freelance writer and television producer based in London.

El Salvador's civil war began in 1980 and ended twelve bloody years later. It saw extreme violence on both sides, including the terrorizing and targeting of civilians by death squads, recruitment of child soldiers, and the death and disappearance of more than 75,000 people. Examining El Salvador's vibrant life-story literature written in the aftermath of this terrible conflict--including memoirs and testimonials--Erik Ching seeks to understand how the war has come to be remembered and rebattled by Salvadorans and what that means for their society today. Ching identifies four memory communities that dominate national postwar views: civilian elites, military officers, guerrilla commanders, and working class and poor testimonialists. Pushing distinct and divergent stories, these groups are today engaged in what Ching terms a "narrative battle" for control over the memory of the war. Their ongoing publications in the marketplace of ideas tend to direct Salvadorans' attempts to negotiate the war's meaning and legacy, and Ching suggests that a more open, coordinated reconciliation process is needed in this postconflict society. In the meantime, El Salvador, fractured by conflicting interpretations of its national trauma, is hindered in dealing with the immediate problems posed by the nexus of neoliberalism, gang violence, and outmigration.

In December 1931, El Salvador’s civilian president, Arturo Araujo, was overthrown in a military coup. Such an event was hardly unique in Salvadoran history, but the 1931 coup proved to be a watershed. Araujo had been the nation’s first democratically elected president, and although no one could have foreseen the result, the coup led to five decades of uninterrupted military rule, the longest run in modern Latin American history. Furthermore, six weeks after coming to power, the new military regime oversaw the crackdown on a peasant rebellion in western El Salvador that is one of the worst episodes of state-sponsored repression in modern Latin American history. Democracy would not return to El Salvador until the 1990s, and only then after a brutal twelve-year civil war. In Authoritarian El Salvador: Politics and the Origins of the Military Regimes, 1880-1940, Erik Ching seeks to explain the origins of the military regime that came to power in 1931. Based on his comprehensive survey of the extant documentary record in El Salvador’s national archive, Ching argues that El Salvador was typified by a longstanding tradition of authoritarianism dating back to the early- to mid-nineteenth century. The basic structures of that system were based on patron-client relationships that wove local, regional, and national political actors into complex webs of rival patronage networks. Decidedly nondemocratic in practice, the system nevertheless exhibited highly paradoxical traits: it remained steadfastly loyal to elections as the mechanism by which political aspirants acquired office, and it employed a political discourse laden with appeals to liberty and free suffrage. That blending of nondemocratic authoritarianism with populist reformism and rhetoric set the precedent for military rule for the next fifty years.