Thirty-seven years ago, a book called The Quiet Revolution in Land Use Control argued that states would soon take over localities' long-held power over land use regulation. In the authors' view, this quiet revolution would occur when policymakers and the public recognized that certain problems - like environmental destruction - were too big for localities to handle on their own. Although the quiet revolution has not yet occurred, this Article suggests that it will, and should, occur alongside the ever-growing green building movement. This movement presents practical and ideological challenges to our current system of regulating land use. This Article examines those challenges, which occur primarily as a result of the "locality" - the local administration and enforcement - of "traditional" land use laws such as zoning ordinances and design controls. It uses the green building example to rebut the post-quiet-revolution scholarly presumption that land use is, or should be, an inherently local function. Currently, traditional land use regulation takes place at the local level. As written and enforced, zoning and design controls laws create unnecessary conflict between the desire to live in safe, attractive, and culturally rich communities and the desire to make those communities environmentally responsible. This tension raises the question: how should our traditional land use laws change in light of growing evidence of the negative externalities of conventional construction? This Article argues that the dominant mode of land use regulation nationwide bars the reforms that environmentalists and the building industry have worked together to develop. Given the failures of local governments to facilitate green building, it argues that when the consequences of land use laws exceed local boundaries, "extra-local" regulation should be considered. Instead of either a regional or national approach, this Article takes up the quiet revolution's rallying cry that states should play a stronger role in shaping the way traditional land use laws respond to green building.

Early Pentecostal revivals swept through Canadian communities, big and small, in the early 1900s. Reports abounded of worshippers falling down at the altar, speaking in tongues, having dreams and visions, and experiencing divine healing. Tent meetings inspired curious onlookers to witness these phenomena for themselves. Following these revival meetings, Pentecostals organized, built churches, and expanded across the country, while many churches were beginning to decline. How did these Pentecostal "holy rollers" move from the fringe to take centre stage in Canada's religious landscape? Why is a religious group rooted in the early twentieth century, tied to Methodism and the Holiness movement, still so popular among followers from all walks of life, especially Indigenous peoples and new Canadians? In After the Revival Michael Wilkinson and Linda Ambrose ask these and other questions, arguing that the answers are tied to Pentecostalism's continued organizational efforts. Since 1919, the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada (PAOC) has worked to establish order and steady growth by managing financial and material assets, offering programs designed to attract families and youth, and training leaders. While Pentecostalism sometimes reflects broader cultural trends and at other times resists them, the PAOC has grown steadily to become one of the largest evangelical denominations in Canada. Addressing broader questions about how religious movements organize, establish an identity, and develop a subculture that flourishes, After the Revival explores the fascinating history of Pentecostalism in Canada and the ways the church, represented by the PAOC, engages with Canadian society.

The aim of this text is to analyze the conditions for a good society and, from extensive international research, to show how citizens can be put at the centre of the political process. This has enormous importance for future policy which the authors explore. With support from the Commonwealth Foundation, the book sets out to change the current political consensus and demonstrate the route forward to sustainable development.

Explores the ethnic separatisms and 'neo-nationalisms' that threatened to undermine the fragile stability of the world order in the early 1980s.

"From 1884 to 1911, over 1.5 million working-class Canadians attended approximately 800 revival meetings held by celebrity American evangelists. Revival in the City traces the development of American revivalism, the support of the daily press "image makers," and working class acceptance of a populist form of conservative evangelicalism in Canada. Eric Crouse argues that by 1911, despite the endorsement of the masses and the press, protestant leaders, were less willing to work together to champion modern revivalism that embraced orthodox theology and popular culture strategies."--BOOK JACKET.

Revival and Change is a compelling account of the elections, accomplishments, challenges, failures, and ultimate end of the Diefenbaker era. The Liberals were widely expected to win a majority in 1957, continuing their two decades in office. But new Conservative leader John Diefenbaker completely overshadowed his opponents. In his appearances on television and at rallies, he captured the mood of the country and, ultimately, the election. A second election the following year brought him a landslide victory, and the Liberals were reduced to their smallest number of seats since Confederation. This is the story of those elections, the issues that defined the government, and the era’s legacy in politics and society.

Rot and Revival is one of the first scholarly works to comprehensively theorize and document how politics make American constitutional law and how the courts affect the path of partisan politics. Rejecting the idea that the Constitution's significance and interpretation can be divorced from contemporary political realities, Anthony Michael Kreis explains how American constitutional law reflects the ideological commitments of dominant political coalitions, the consequences of major public policy choices, and the influences of intervening social movements. Drawing on rich historical research and political science methodologies, Kreis convincingly demonstrates that the courts have never been—and cannot be—institutions lying outside the currents of national politics.