This book presents new aspects of the U.S. Cuba policy during Gerald R. Ford’s presidency (August 9, 1974‒January 20, 1977). Based in governmental and other sources from the U.S. and Cuba, the book examines how the Ford administration broke with Nixon’s hostile policy when the diplomatic and economic isolation of Cuba was ended in the OAS, even when the U.S. economic blockade prevailed. In line with the detente policy towards the USSR, the Ford administration strived to normalize the relations with Cuba through secret discussions. However, the Cuban involvement in the Angolan civil war ended this process of normalization, and the U.S. returned to a confrontational policy. Within this framework, counterrevolutionary groups in the U.S. could act, more or less with impunity, towards Cuba, but also against Cuban and third-country targets both within and outside the U.S. The book describes the oscillating Cuba policy that was the hallmark of the Ford administration. The Cuban perspective adopted will complement and enrich the knowledge of the U.S. policy toward Cuba during Gerald Ford’s presidency. It is of relevance to everyone interested in the issue and especially for students and researchers within the disciplines of History and Political Science.

History is being made in U.S.-Cuban relations. Now in paperback and updated to tell the real story behind the stunning December 17, 2014, announcement by President Obama and President Castro of their move to restore full diplomatic relations, this powerful book is essential to understanding ongoing efforts toward normalization in a new era of engagement. Challenging the conventional wisdom of perpetual conflict and aggression between the United States and Cuba since 1959, Back Channel to Cuba chronicles a surprising, untold history of bilateral efforts toward rapprochement and reconciliation. William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh here present a remarkably new and relevant account, describing how, despite the intense political clamor surrounding efforts to improve relations with Havana, negotiations have been conducted by every presidential administration since Eisenhower's through secret, back-channel diplomacy. From John F. Kennedy's offering of an olive branch to Fidel Castro after the missile crisis, to Henry Kissinger's top secret quest for normalization, to Barack Obama's promise of a new approach, LeoGrande and Kornbluh uncovered hundreds of formerly secret U.S. documents and conducted interviews with dozens of negotiators, intermediaries, and policy makers, including Fidel Castro and Jimmy Carter. They reveal a fifty-year record of dialogue and negotiations, both open and furtive, that provides the historical foundation for the dramatic breakthrough in U.S.-Cuba ties.

Between revolution and counterrevolution -- The legacy of violence -- A time for dialogue? -- The crisis of 1980 -- Acting as a "superhero"? -- The two contrary currents -- Making foreign policy domestic?

In the years since the Cuban Revolution in 1959, eleven men have served as president of the United States, arguably the most powerful nation on earth. Yet none of them has been able to effect any significant change in the stalemate between the United States and Cuba, its closest neighbor not to share a land border. Fifty Years of Revolution features contributions from an international Who's Who gallery of leading scholars. The volume adopts a uniquely nonpartisan attitude, a departure from this topic's generally divisive nature. Emerging from a series of meetings, conference panels, and lectures, the book coheres more strongly than the typical essay collection. Organized to analyze--not describe--Cuba’s foreign relations, the work examines sanctions, the embargo, regime change, Guantánamo, the exile community, and more. Drawing from personal experiences as well as recently declassified documents, these essays update, summarize, and explain one of the prickliest political issues in the Western Hemisphere today.

There are few hardy perennials in foreign policy, but over the last thirty years you could go to the bank on two First, every incoming president would make a secret vow not to be entrapped by his national security bureaucracies - State, CIA, and Defense Second, each administration would be blindsided by a Cuba event unforeseen by a narrow but enduring embargo policy which failed over three decades to overthrow Cuban leader Fidel Castro Although the memoirs have yet to be written, one suspects that President Clinton, who borrowed so heavily from President Carter's national security staff, may also have borrowed the Georgian governor's skepticism of at least the State Department Nonetheless, like many of its predecessors, the Clinton Administration would default to a mechanism of foreign policy making that corresponds to the bureaucratic model described by Graham Allison. In short, a select group of key players determined by "where they sit," (State, NSC, at times Defense and Justice on Cuba matters) would make policy decisions but leave implementation to entrenched careerists with a long history of supporting the status quo.

"Describes and analyzes the economic, national security, political, and social systems and institutions of Cuba."--Amazon.com viewed Jan. 4, 2021.

This book investigates the phenomenon of the political coexistence of the United States with Cuba that developed between the beginning of the John F. Kennedy administration and the Cold War détente of the mid-1970s. It is revealed that due to the US global commitments, related to the Cold War and the risk of confrontation with the Soviet Union, the political approach of Washington to the Fidel Castro’s Cuba constituted a perpetuated condition of suspense between war and peace. Despite the failure of both the US hostile policies and diplomatic dialogue with Castro, the mutual tension remained under control of recurrent crisis management course. Ultimately, the US attempts to discipline and moderate Cuban policies led to an actual political coexistence between the two countries, establishing a long-term dynamics of the US attitude toward Cuba for the following decades. By combining a historical approach with political and international analysis through broad reference to primary sources, the study offers an insightful investigation of the global processes affecting the U.S. – Cuban dynamics of political coexistence. This volume will be of great value to those studying American history, 20th century history, international relations and political science across North America, Europe and other parts of the world.