This is the first full account of the Pilgrimage of Grace since 1915. In the autumn and winter of 1536, Henry VIII faced risings first in Lincolnshire, then throughout northern England. These rebellions posed the greatest threat of any encountered by a Tudor monarch. The Pilgrimage of Grace has traditionally been assumed to have been a spontaneous protest against the Dissolution of the Monasteries, but R. W. Hoyle's lively and intriguing study reveals the full story.

This is the first full account of the Pilgrimage of Grace since 1915. In the autumn and winter of 1536, Henry VIII faced risings first in Lincolnshire, then throughout northern England. These rebellions posed the greatest threat of any encountered by a Tudor monarch. The Pilgrimage of Grace has traditionally been assumed to have been a spontaneous protest against the Dissolution of the Monasteries, but R. W. Hoyle's lively and intriguing study reveals the full story. Professor Hoyle examines the origins of the rebellions in Louth and their spread; he offers new interpretations of the behaviour of many of the leading rebels, including Robert Aske and Thomas, Lord Darcy; and he reveals how the engine behind the uprising was the commons, and notably the artisans, of some of the smaller northern towns. Casting new light on the personality of Henry VIII himself, Professor Hoyle shows how the gentry of the North worked to dismantle the movement and help the crown neutralize it by guile as events unfolded towards their often tragic conclusions.

During the Pilgrimage of Grace for a short time Henry VIII lost control of the North of England and there was a very real possibility of civil war. Protesting against the king's betrayal of the 'old' religion, his new taxes, and his threat to the rights of landowners, the poor and the powerful united against their king and his henchman Thomas Cromwell, raising an army of 40,000.The leader of the Pilgrimage was the charismatic, heroic figure of Robert Aske, a lawyer. Under his influence and persuasion most of the Northern nobility joined the rebellion and gathered for battle at Doncaster where they would have outnumbered the king's soldiers by 4 to 1. But Aske had an unshakeable belief in justice and fair dealing, which was to prove his undoing. He was persuaded by the king's men to abandon military force and negotiate terms in London. Once there he was arrested, charged with treason and hanged in chains. Another 200 'pilgrims' were executed in the North as a 'fearful spectacle'.

This book is a study of popular responses to the English Reformation. It takes as its subject not the conversion of English subjects to a new religion but rather their political responses to a Reformation perceived as an act of state and hence, like all early modern acts of state, negotiated between government and people. These responses included not only resistance but also significant levels of accommodation, co-operation and collaboration as people attempted to co-opt state power for their own purposes. This study argues, then, that the English Reformation was not done to people, it was done with them in a dynamic process of engagement between government and people. As such, it answers the twenty-year-old scholarly dilemma of how the English Reformation could have succeeded despite the inherent conservatism of the English people, and it presents a genuinely post-revisionist account of one of the central events of English history.

Operating principally from original sources, it revises the standard work of the Dodds and appraises the research produced in the subject over the last thirty years.

The objective of this book is to analyse the historical relationships between the phenomenon of Christian pilgrimage and political power within Europe, from the Middle Ages up to the present day. It establishes a discussion in which the twelve contributors to the volume can compare very different situations, such as the medieval pilgrimages and politics in the Latin East as part of warfare and conflict resolution, the significance and reality of pilgrimages in late medieval England or in Rome during the papacy of Innocent III, the 'two-way traffic' pilgrimages in the Tuscan city of Lucca, or the pilgrimages in Eastern European countries as an aspect of opposition to communist power. A major focus is on the pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela, an important Christian sanctuary from the time of the discovery of the tomb of the apostle St James in the 9th century. Topics covered include the Way of St James as seen through medieval Muslim sources, the political reading of the apostolic cult as an ideological instrument of the propaganda of the Asturian monarchy, Santa Maria de Roncesvalles as an example of political involvement in the assistance of the Jacobean pilgrims, the Order of St John as protector of the medieval pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela, or the nationalist use of the pilgrimages as an element of national unification and internal cohesion during the Spanish Civil War. The final chapter provides a broader, global perspective on pilgrimages up to present times.

This collection of essays seeks to shed light on the politics of those people who are normally thought of as being excluded from the political nation in early modern England. If by political nation we mean those who sat in parliament, the governors of counties and towns, and the enfranchised classes in the constituencies, then the 'excluded' would be those who were neither actively involved in the process of governing nor had any say in choosing those who would rule over them - the bulk of the population at this time. Yet this volume shows that these people were not, in fact, excluded from politics. Not only did the masses possess political opinions which they were capable of articulating in a public forum, but they were alos often active participants in the political process themselves and taken seriously in that capacity by the governmental elite. The various essays deal with topics as wide-ranging as riots, rumours, libels, seditious words, public opinion, the structures of local government, and the gendered dimensions of popular political participation, and cover the period from the eve of the Reformation to the Industrial Revolution. They challenge many existing assumptions concerning the nature and significance of public opinion and politics out-of-doors in the early modern period and show us that the people mattered in politics, and thus why we, as historians, cannot afford to ignore them. Politics was more participatory, in this undemocratic age, than one might have thought. The contributors to this volume show that there was a lively and engaged public sphere throughout this period, from Tudor times to the Georgian era.