This book examines negotiations on migration in the Mediterranean. It argues that migration is a bargaining chip which countries in the South use to increase their leverage versus their counterparts in the North. This proposition opens up new understandings reframing relations of inequalities among states.

A telling look at today’s “reverse” migration of white, middle-class expats from north to south, through the lens of one South American city Even as the “migration crisis” from the Global South to the Global North rages on, another, lower-key and yet important migration has been gathering pace in recent years—that of mostly white, middle-class people moving in the opposite direction. Gringolandia is that rare book to consider this phenomenon in all its complexity. Matthew Hayes focuses on North Americans relocating to Cuenca, Ecuador, the country’s third-largest city and a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Many began relocating there after the 2008 economic crisis. Most are self-professed “economic refugees” who sought offshore retirement, affordable medical care, and/or a lower–cost location. Others, however, sought adventure marked by relocation to an unfamiliar cultural environment and to experience personal growth through travel, illustrative of contemporary cultures of aging. These life projects are often motivated by a desire to escape economic and political conditions in North America. Regardless of their individual motivations, Hayes argues, such North–South migrants remain embedded in unequal and unfair global social relations. He explores the repercussions on the host country—from rising prices for land and rent to the reproduction of colonial patterns of domination and subordination. In Ecuador, heritage preservation and tourism development reflect the interests and culture of European-descendent landowning elites, who have most to benefit from the new North–South migration. In the process, they participate in transnational gentrification that marginalizes popular traditions and nonwhite mestizo and indigenous informal workers. The contrast between the migration experiences of North Americans in Ecuador and those of Ecuadorians or others from such regions of the Global South in North America and Europe demonstrates that, in fact, what we face is not so much a global “migration crisis” but a crisis of global social justice.

Migration from and within Africa, just like migration elsewhere in the world, often generates anti-immigrant sentiment and ignites heated public debate about the migration policies of the destination countries. These countries include South Africa as well as others outside the continent. The countries of origin are also keen to minimize losses through "brain drain" and to capture resources such as remittances. Increasingly, international organizations and human rights advocates have stressed the need to protect the interests of migrants themselves. However, while the UNDP's 2009 Human Development Report talks of "win-win-win" solutions, in practice it is the perceived interests of destination countries that enjoy the greatest attention, while the rights of migrants themselves are afforded the least. Yet migration is not just an issue in itself: it also points to structural inequalities between countries and regions. Managing migration and protecting migrants is too limited an agenda. Activists and policymakers must also address these inequalities directly to ensure that people can pursue their fundamental human rights whether they move or stay. It is not enough to measure development only in terms of progress at the national level: development must also be measured in terms of reductions in the gross levels of inequality that now determine differential rights on the basis of accident of birth.

In a world of increasingly heated political debates on migration, relentlessly caught up in questions of security, humanitarian crisis, and cultural “problems,” this book radically shifts the focus to address migration through the lens of inequality. Taking an innovative approach, Mirna Safi offers a fresh perspective on how migration is embedded in the elementary mechanisms that shape the landscape of inequality. She sketches out three distinct channels which lead to unequal outcomes for different migrating and non-migrating groups: the global division of labor; the production of legal and administrative categories; and the reconfiguration of symbolic ethnoracial groups. Respectively, these channels categorize migrants as “type of workers,” “type of citizens,” and “type of humans.” Examining this intersection across the U.S. and Europe, she shows how studying international migration together with inequality can challenge nationally established paradigms of social justice. This timely book will be essential reading for all students and researchers interested in the sociology and politics of migration, ethnic and racial studies, and social inequality and stratification.

The emergence of new and substantial human migration flows is one of the most important consequences of globalisation. While ascribable to widely differing social and economic causes, from the forced migration of refugees to upper-middle-class migration projects and the movement of highly skilled workers, what they have in common is the effect of contributing to a substantial global redefinition in terms of both identity and politics. This book contains contributions from scholars in the fields of law, social sciences, the sciences, and the liberal arts, brought together to delineate the features of the migration phenomena that will accompany us over the coming decades. The focus is on the multifaceted concept of 'border' as representing a useful stratagem for dealing with a topic like migration that requires analysis from several perspectives. The authors discuss the various factors and issues which must be understood in all their complexity so that they can be governed by all social stakeholders, free of manipulation and false consciousness. They bring an interdisciplinary and comparative perspective to the social phenomena such as human trafficking, unaccompanied foreign minors, or ethnic-based niches in the job market. The book will be a valuable guide for academics, students and policy-makers.

Migration has become business, big business. Over the last few decades a host of new business opportunities have emerged that capitalize both on the migrants’ desires to migrate and the struggle by governments to manage migration. From the rapid growth of specialized transportation and labour immigration companies, to multinational companies managing detention centres or establishing border security, to the organized criminal networks profiting from human smuggling and trafficking, we are currently witnessing a growing commercialization of international migration. This volume claims that today it is almost impossible to speak of migration without also speaking of the migration industry. Yet, acknowledging the role the migration industry plays prompts a number of questions that have so far received only limited attention among scholars and policy makers. The book offers new concepts and theory for the study of international migration by bringing together cross-disciplinary theoretical explorations and original case studies. It also provides a global coverage of the phenomena under study, covering migrant destinations in Europe, the United States and Asia, and migrant sending regions in Africa, Asia and Latin America.

This book investigates how migration has been transformed into a security threat in Europe. It argues that this process has taken place through a self-fulfilling spiralling process, which involves different actors and their specific narratives, practices and policies. The book examines how situations stemming from the so-called ‘migration crisis’ in the European Union (EU) have been dealt with by governments and non-governmental organisations. It also considers how actors treating migration as an ordinary phenomenon rather than a threat and sharing inclusive narratives can create the conditions for decelerating and eventually stopping securitisation processes. Some chapters examine the spiralling of the securitisation of migration in depth, by analysing increases in securitisation, as well as cases characterised by resistance. Others focus on examining the consequences of socially constructing migration as a crisis for the EU’s relations with third countries. In sum, this book shows that there is a wide range of motives for which states and societies would benefit from a change in migration politics and move from the current management of a ‘crisis’ to a more positive governance of human mobility. It will be of interest to researchers and advanced students of sociology, politics, international relations, social and cultural anthropology, human geography, and social work. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.