This is the first major study based on Soviet documents and revelations of the Soviet state security during the period 1939-1953—a period about which relatively little is known. The book documents the role of Stalin and the major players in massive crimes carried out during this period against the Soviet people. It also provides the first detailed biography of V. S. Abakumov, Minister of State Security, 1946-1951. Based on Glasnost revelations and recently released archival material, this study covers the operations of Soviet state security from Beriia's appointment in 1938 until Stalin's death. The book pays particular attention to the career of V. S. Abakumov, head of SMERSH counterintelligence during the war and minister in charge of the MGB (the predecessor of the KGB) from 1946 until his removal and arrest in July 1951. The author argues that terror remained the central feature of Stalin's rule even after the Great Terror and he provides examples of how he micromanaged the repressions. The book catalogs the major crimes committed by the security organs and the leading perpetrators and provides evidence that the crimes were similar to those for which the Nazi leaders were punished after the war. Subjects covered include Katyn and its aftermath, the arrest and execution of senior military officers, the killing of political prisoners near Orel in September 1941, and the deportations of various nationalities during the war. The post-war period saw the Aviator and Leningrad affairs as well as the anti-cosmopolitan campaign whose target was mainly Jewish intellectuals. Later chapters cover Abakumov's downfall, the hatching of the Mingrelian and Doctors plots and the events that followed Stalin's death. Finally, there are chapters on the fate of those who ran Stalin's machinery of terror in the last 13 years of his rule. These and other topics will be of concern to all students and scholars of Soviet history and those interested in secret police and intelligence operations.

Must we fight terrorism with terror, match assassination with assassination, and torture with torture? Must we sacrifice civil liberty to protect public safety? In the age of terrorism, the temptations of ruthlessness can be overwhelming. But we are pulled in the other direction too by the anxiety that a violent response to violence makes us morally indistinguishable from our enemies. There is perhaps no greater political challenge today than trying to win the war against terror without losing our democratic souls. Michael Ignatieff confronts this challenge head-on, with the combination of hard-headed idealism, historical sensitivity, and political judgment that has made him one of the most influential voices in international affairs today. Ignatieff argues that we must not shrink from the use of violence--that far from undermining liberal democracy, force can be necessary for its survival. But its use must be measured, not a program of torture and revenge. And we must not fool ourselves that whatever we do in the name of freedom and democracy is good. We may need to kill to fight the greater evil of terrorism, but we must never pretend that doing so is anything better than a lesser evil. In making this case, Ignatieff traces the modern history of terrorism and counter-terrorism, from the nihilists of Czarist Russia and the militias of Weimar Germany to the IRA and the unprecedented menace of Al Qaeda, with its suicidal agents bent on mass destruction. He shows how the most potent response to terror has been force, decisive and direct, but--just as important--restrained. The public scrutiny and political ethics that motivate restraint also give democracy its strongest weapon: the moral power to endure when the furies of vengeance and hatred are spent. The book is based on the Gifford Lectures delivered at the University of Edinburgh in 2003.

Through the rise of big data and the internet of things, terrorist organizations have been freed from geographic and logistical confines and now have more power than ever before to strike the average citizen directly at home. This, coupled with the inherently asymmetrical nature of cyberwarfare, which grants great advantage to the attacker, has created an unprecedented national security risk that both governments and their citizens are woefully ill-prepared to face. Examining cyber warfare and terrorism through a critical and academic perspective can lead to a better understanding of its foundations and implications. Cyber Warfare and Terrorism: Concepts, Methodologies, Tools, and Applications is an essential reference for the latest research on the utilization of online tools by terrorist organizations to communicate with and recruit potential extremists and examines effective countermeasures employed by law enforcement agencies to defend against such threats. Highlighting a range of topics such as cyber threats, digital intelligence, and counterterrorism, this multi-volume book is ideally designed for law enforcement, government officials, lawmakers, security analysts, IT specialists, software developers, intelligence and security practitioners, students, educators, and researchers.

A key tenet of U.S. foreign policy has been that promoting democracy reduces terrorism; however, scant empirical evidence links democracy to terrorism, positively or negatively. This study explores the relationship between the two by examining the effects of liberalization processes on political violence in six Arab cases.

A devastating expose of U.S. foreign policy which separates the myth of an "international terrorist conspiracy" from the reality.

The United States and other countries throughout the world have suffered from catastrophic terrorism causing mass casualties. Elsewhere, terrorists have taken the lives of prominent people in ostentatiously cruel ways. In Iraq, bloody terrorist attacks are an endemic phenomenon. They have become part of daily life. There is no reason to expect a reduction of the new terrorism in the foreseeable future. On the contrary, there will be new waves of terrorism, including attacks with unconventional means. The globalization of the new terrorism is reflected not only in the mobility of terrorists but.

A brilliantly conceived critique by two of the leading US constitutional scholars who argue that the Bush administration's preemptive approach to domestic and international security has not only compromised national security but led to the heightened threat of terrorist attacks. Cole and Lubel, through groundbreaking analysis of efforts employed in the name of protecting its citizens, expose the government's record of empty successes, coupled with the resentment it has generated, has left the US less safe. The book concludes by proposing alternative preventative strategies.