Seminar paper from the year 2005 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,0, Free University of Berlin (Otto-Suhr-Institut), course: The Evolution of European Security Institutions, language: English, abstract: In the space of a few years, the EU has made more progress on developing its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) than in the previous forty years of European integration. This has occurred despite the fact that four EU member states that are historically “neutral”, i.e. they are not members of NATO and are merely observers (not members) of WEU. Namely, these states are Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden (henceforth: EU neutrals). Many of the ESDP measures (unanimously!) adopted by the EU seem incompatible with such neutrality policies. How, then, has it been possible for ESDP to evolve so significantly since 1997 in light of the fact that the Union must accommodate the concerns of the EU neutrals? In this paper, I argue that ESDP has been able to develop so rapidly because it has been crafted so as to allow for the participation of Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden without jeopardizing their neutrality policies. Specifically, this means that ESDP has adopted solely functions that reflect the preferences of EU neutral states – a preference that ESDP encompass matters concerning “security and defence cooperation”, whilst excluding a “common defence”. Thus my independent variable is the preferences of neutral states for ESDP. My dependent variable are the institutional functions that ESDP adopted between 1997 and 2004, as reflected in actual policy agreed upon by the European Council. I limit my investigation to a case study of the Irish government’s preferences for ESDP functions in relation to several specific instances of ESDP evolution (European Council meetings and Intergovernmental Conferences). My paper proceeds as follows: The first section specifies my explanatory factor – the preferences of neutral states for ESDP – and draws on rationalist institutionalist theory to lay out my hypothesis that ESDP will only encompass those functions the neutral states favour. The second section discusses the operationalisation of the independent and dependent variables and presents the data sources to be used. In the third section, I engage in the case study analysis of Irish influence on ESDP. The fourth section summarises the findings, discusses the strengths and shortcomings of my study and rationalist institutionalism’s application to it.

The emergence of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) in the last two-thirds of the 1990s and continuing into the new century, has been a complex process intertwining politics, economics, national cultures, and numerous institutions. This book provides an essential background for understanding how security issues as between NATO and the European Union are being posed for the early part of the 21st century, including the new circumstances following the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001. This study should be of interest to those interested in the evolution of U.S.-European relations, especially in, but not limited to, the security field; the development of institutional relationships; and key choices that lie ahead in regard to these critical arrangements.

Neutrality has often been criticized as a luxury made possible only because of the efforts of others, be they NATO in Europe of the Allies in the Gulf. However, the bridging role between East and West played by neutrals during the Cold War is recognized and valued by many. The end of the Cold War, though, has brought questions about the validity of neutrality and how far it is compatible with EC membership. This paper, based on a conference at Wilton Park, explores and discusses the key issues surrounding the concept of neutrality in today's political climate.

With the introduction of a European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the EU recognised the clear need for a military dimension to CFSP. European states have long made foreign policy decisions based on such considerations as history, culture, geography, political structure and military doctrine. By looking at how European cooperation on security and defence emerged, how the EU acts in the international system and recent attempts to forge a military role for the EU it is hoped to illustrate that members of the EU are developing a shared strategic culture through ESDP. As power has traditionally been defined by the military power of states a European military capability represents a new type of power in the international system, one that is examined through this thesis. With the states of Europe as the key actors in this process an increased defence and security capacity requires a certain surrendering of sovereignty to the European Union. Perhaps this move has been facilitated by the types of security challenges that the state faces today. Security threats such as terrorism, humanitarian crises or pollution can no longer be tackled solely by the state but demand cooperation with others. Consequently, the UN is increasingly turning to regional organisations for peacekeeping missions and the EU has responded through its ESDP initiatives such as the European Security Strategy and battlegroup concept. Ireland is actively participating in this process through its contributions to the EU Battlegroups and other ESDP mechanisms. This has instigated a debate about the relationship between Irish defence policy and the EU{u2019}s new security role. The impact of the Europeanisation of foreign policy on this development is unquestionable. The thesis therefore is a valuable indication of member states (small states and neutrals in particular) commitments to ESDP as well as an indication of things to come for European defence. Unlike economic areas where the Commission has a strong competency, member states have been slow to surrender power in security and defence. If a common defence or European army is not on the agenda then the EU needs to maximise where member states are willing to cooperate making the EU battlegroups a valuable test case of EU intentions.

This book provides the first detailed comparative analysis of the unusual partnership between the main European neutral states and NATO. Neutrality and alliance membership are fundamentally incompatible, but through the vehicle of NATO’s post-Cold War partnerships the European neutral states and NATO have found a way to bridge this gap and cooperate with one another. Based on case studies of Austria, Finland, Ireland, Sweden and Switzerland written by leading experts, this book explores the detail of each country’s relationship with NATO, the factors shaping those relationships and whether any of these states are likely to abandon neutrality and join NATO. The book also contributes to broader work on foreign policy by exploring different explanations of the European neutral states’ foreign and security policy choices. This book will be of interest to scholars of the European neutral states, NATO and European security, as well as to those interested in understanding the dynamics behind states foreign policy choices.

In 1999 the EU decided to develop its own military capacities for crisis management. This book brings together a group of experts to examine the consequences of this decision on Nordic policy establishments, as well as to shed new light on the defence and security issues that matter for Europe as a whole.

Examining the interplay between geopolitics, the strategic priorities of Europe's most powerful nations, Britain, Germany and France, and the evolution of NATO and CSDP, this book unveils the mechanics of the tension between conflict and cooperation that lies at the heart of European security politics.