A strong Egyptian presence and governance of 13th and 12th centuries B.C. Palestine has since long become clear from both textual and archaeological evidence. How this Egyptianization came about in Ramesside Palestine forms the focus of the present study. Carolyn Higginbotham convincingly attends to internal factors affecting the region’s cultural and political development. Two models are carefully considered. The prevailing theory, that Egyptian policy shifted from economic and political domination to military occupation, is contrasted with a new, convincing model, elite emulation, derived from modern core-periphery studies. The author’s conclusion is that Egyptian policy remained largely unchanged, and that the increased Egyptianization of the material culture represents voluntary adoption of the overpowering Egyptian culture by the Palestinian ruling class. The appendices are especially important for scholars interested in ancient international connections in Palestine; they catalogue all Egyptian and Egyptian-style material from LB IIB - Iron 1A Palestine.

In this comprehensive examination of the one of the world's most ancient societies, Talhami describes Egypt's quest for a sense of national identity and the factors that have affected the Egyptian identity. Generally polarized over the identity issue since the nineteenth century, Egyptians debated the significance of Sudanese bonds as a definer of Egypt's historic and national development before they debated the significance of Arab, particularly Palestinian, involvement. Nasser's rise to power, Talhami argues, amounted to an inevitable swing in the direction of pan-Arabism because of the strategic developments surrounding the rise of Israel. The author also examines Egypt's foreign policy in light of the identity question. The major conclusion of this study is that Egypt is destined to face northwards and reject isolationism because of strategic developments related to the rise of Israel. Economic and Arab leadership considerations will always impel Egypt to seek a larger role in the Arab world, but this cannot be done without sponsorship of the Palestinian issue. These conclusions challenge the accepted wisdom regarding the Camp David agreements. Those who believe that Egypt can find safety and security by linking itself with a great power while ignoring the historically-proven strategic relevance of the northeast region will find this book startling. Although the identity debate often becomes a tool of the practicing politician, the historian, the ideologue, and the military strategist, its outcome is most likely to be determined by historical events. Egypt was bound to search for a modern sense of identity. What makes this book unique is its use of the work of literary figures, historians and politicians to investigate the cumulative impact of the changes which occurred during the Sadat period. Talhami's work places the Camp David era against the historical background of the identity debate. The fact that this debate remains unresolved today is a measure of Egypt's uncertain future as a nation and as a political community. While the majority of Egyptians recognize the inevitability of Palestinian involvement, they do not agree on the best course of action. The Persian Gulf War and Egypt's decision to side with the United States in this inter-Arab dispute constitute yet another onslaught on the Palestinians and on Arab identity. Scholars focusing on the Arab world and on Middle Eastern history and politics will find this book provocative and essential reading.