This book critically analyses the World Trade Organization’s approach to "special and differential treatment" (SDT) to argue that it is founded on seeking exemptions from WTO obligations, instead of creating an enabling environment for developing countries to integrate fully into the multilateral trading system. Through six key sections: United States Proposal on Special and Differential Treatment Responses to United States Proposal The Evolution of Differential Treatment Failure of the Current Approach to Differential Treatment Complications Created by China’s Emergence in the Global Economy An Alternative Approach to Differential Treatment this book explores how, by adopting a new evidence-based, case-by-case approach to SDT, the development of the poorest countries can best be advanced, while at the same time ensuring that advanced developing countries carry their weight in the organization. It will be of interest to scholars and students of international trade law and political science, as well as trade practitioners such as lawyers, diplomats, and analysts.

The authors discuss optio ...

This book critically analyses the World Trade Organization’s approach to "special and differential treatment" (SDT) to argue that it is founded on seeking exemptions from WTO obligations, instead of creating an enabling environment for developing countries to integrate fully into the multilateral trading system. Through six key sections: United States Proposal on Special and Differential Treatment Responses to United States Proposal The Evolution of Differential Treatment Failure of the Current Approach to Differential Treatment Complications Created by China’s Emergence in the Global Economy An Alternative Approach to Differential Treatment this book explores how, by adopting a new evidence-based, case-by-case approach to SDT, the development of the poorest countries can best be advanced, while at the same time ensuring that advanced developing countries carry their weight in the organization. It will be of interest to scholars and students of international trade law and political science, as well as trade practitioners such as lawyers, diplomats, and analysts.

Rethinking developing country status at the World Trade Organization (WTO) is essential for the modernization and survival of the institution. The Trump administration has recognized this challenge and is seeking changes to the flexibilities provided to developing countries. Referred to as “special and differential treatment” (SDT), there are 183 provisions in the WTO agreements that give developing countries special rights. These include longer time periods to implement obligations, preferential tariff schemes, and technical support from developed countries. SDT was envisioned as a means to help the poorest WTO Members meet their obligations to the fullest extent possible. But, today, when rapidly growing markets with significant global reach lay claim to these special rights, does it serve this purpose? The Trump administration thinks it does not. A recent reform proposal from the United States claims that SDT reflects an outdated dichotomy between developed and developing countries, and that the ability of countries to “self-declare” their developing country status amplifies this problem. Without a clear definition of what special rights SDT provides, the United States' proposal argues, it is difficult to ascertain objectively who should receive those benefits, and for how long. A number of other developed countries have come out in support of reform, and their discussions highlight the need to establish a path forward. For their part, most developing countries continue to defend the current approach to SDT.This paper argues that the basic flaw in the WTO's current approach to SDT is that it is founded on seeking exemptions from WTO obligations instead of the means to enable developing countries to meet these obligations and thus integrate them fully into the multilateral trading system. The United States is correct in pointing out the inherent unfairness in the application of SDT, which does not differentiate between levels of development among developing countries. As a result, the poorest countries are made worse off, while those that are economically better off receive a “free ride” from the rest of the multilateral trading system. By adopting a new evidence-based, case-by-case approach to SDT, the concerns of the poorest countries can be better addressed, while at the same time ensuring that advanced developing countries carry their weight in the organization.

Weaknesses in the institutional capacity of many developing countries provide a rationale for continuing special and differential treatment under the World Trade Organization (WTO), but the benefits should be targeted only to low-income developing countries and those that need help becoming integrated with the international trading system. An effective system of graduation should be put in place for higher-income developing countries.

The editors have succeeded in bringing together an excellent mix of leading scholars and practitioners. No book on the WTO has had this wide a scope before or covered the legal framework, economic and political issues, current and would-be countries and a outlook to the future like these three volumes do. 3000 pages, 80 chapters in 3 volumes cover a very interdiscplinary field that touches upon law, economics and politics.

Rising powers such as Brazil, China, India, Russia, and Turkey are increasingly claiming heightened profiles in international politics. Although differing in other respects, rising states have a strong desire for recognition and respect. This pioneering volume on status features contributions that develop propositions on status concerns and illustrate them with case studies and aggregate data analysis. Four cases are examined in depth: the United States (how it accommodates rising powers through hierarchy), Russia (the influence of status concerns on its foreign policy), China (how Beijing signals its status aspirations), and India (which has long sought major power status). The authors analyze status from a variety of theoretical perspectives and tackle questions such as: How do states signal their status claims? How are such signals perceived by the leading states? Will these status concerns lead to conflict, or is peaceful adjustment possible?