Born in 1920 into a communist family in Berlin, Helmuth Stoecker was forced to emigrate to Britain in 1933 after the arrest of his father by the Nazis. In 1947 he returned to what was now East Germany, and began an academic career as an historian at the Humboldt-University in East Berlin. Later he became one of the German Democratic Republic's foremost specialists in German colonial history and the history of Africa. After the collapse of the GDR, shortly before he died in 1994, Helmuth Stoecker wrote down these reflections on his life as an academic. He intended this book to explain, from his point of view, the rise and fall of the socialism in the GDR. to non-academic English-speaking readers. It contains some details of particular interest to those who are interested in scientific life in the GDR, as well as some personal reflections on the daily life conditions there.

Obama’s First Year as president consisted of “government bailouts” to Wall Street, Chrysler, GM with “temp” ownership, subsidies to small businesses, bribe to Social Security recipients, stimulus package “creating” few if any jobs, 10 percent unemployment, 15.4 million idled, a $1.4 trillion deficit, re-deploying troops from Iraq to Afghanistan plus a surge, trying Gitmo terrorists as “criminals” in New York City, no real increases in Defense, open borders, amnesty for “illegals,” continuing trade deficits, “free trade” a farce, no plan to keep manufacturing in the U.S., no peace in the Middle East, “selling out” to Canada and Mexico in the NAU, indoctrinating students with globalization and reverence for Obama, rebuffed on his socialistic, $1.6 million deficit health care plan, and global socialist using Bush as the “bad guy” when things go bad, while freely following and expanding his policies.

Socialism is the watchword and the catchword of our day. The socialist idea dominates the modem spirit. The masses approve of it. It expresses the thoughts and feelings of all; it has set its seal upon our time. When history comes to tell our story it will write above the chapter “The Epoch of Socialism.” As yet, it is true, Socialism has not created a society which can be said to represent its ideal. But for more than a generation the policies of civilized nations have been directed towards nothing less than a gradual realization of Socialism.17 In recent years the movement has grown noticeably in vigour and tenacity. Some nations have sought to achieve Socialism, in its fullest sense, at a single stroke. Before our eyes Russian Bolshevism has already accomplished something which, whatever we believe to be its significance, must by the very magnitude of its design be regarded as one of the most remarkable achievements known to world history. Elsewhere no one has yet achieved so much. But with other peoples only the inner contradictions of Socialism itself and the fact that it cannot be completely realized have frustrated socialist triumph. They also have gone as far as they could under the given circumstances. Opposition in principle to Socialism there is none. Today no influential party would dare openly to advocate Private Property in the Means of Production. The word “Capitalism” expresses, for our age, the sum of all evil. Even the opponents of Socialism are dominated by socialist ideas. In seeking to combat Socialism from the standpoint of their special class interest these opponents—the parties which particularly call themselves “bourgeois” or “peasant”—admit indirectly the validity of all the essentials of socialist thought. For if it is only possible to argue against the socialist programme that it endangers the particular interests of one part of humanity, one has really affirmed Socialism. If one complains that the system of economic and social organization which is based on private property in the means of production does not sufficiently consider the interests of the community, that it serves only the purposes of single strata, and that it limits productivity; and if therefore one demands with the supporters of the various “social-political” and “social-reform” movements, state interference in all fields of economic life, then one has fundamentally accepted the principle of the socialist programme. Or again, if one can only argue against socialism that the imperfections of human nature make its realization impossible, or that it is inexpedient under existing economic conditions to proceed at once to socialization, then one merely confesses that one has capitulated to socialist ideas. The nationalist, too, affirms socialism, and objects only to its Internationalism. He wishes to combine Socialism with the ideas of Imperialism and the struggle against foreign nations. He is a national, not an international socialist; but he, also, approves of the essential principles of Socialism.

The work includes a detailed historical account of the Manley years, focusing on shifting relations between contending social forces and on the interaction between economics and politics. Originally published in 1986. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.