Written by a team of Japanese and German scholars, this book presents an interpretation of Japanese/German history and international diplomacy. It provides a greater understanding of key aspects of the countries' bilateral relations from the end of the Sino-Japanese War in 1895 to the parallel defeat of Germany and Japan in 1945. New research is explored on the military as well as ideological interconnections between Japan and Germany in the closing years of the nineteenth century, the First World and the development of bacteriological warfare during the Second World War. In addition, the book's focus on the Second World War significantly re-interprets two familiar axis of Japanese-German relations: the impact of Nazi ideology on Japanese "fascism", and the Axis Alliance. Drawing on German as well as Japanese archival sources, the book presents a revealing examination of a crucial period in the modern history of Western Europe and East Asia. As such it will be of huge interest to those studying the modern history of Japan/Germany, comparative and world history, international relations and political science alike.

"European Perceptions of China and Perspectives on the Belt and Road Initiative is a collection of fourteen essays on the way China is perceived in Europe today. These perceptions - and they are multiple - are particularly important to the People's Republic of China as the country grapples with its increasingly prominent role on the international stage, and equally important to Europe as it attempts to come to terms with the technological, social and economic advances of the Belt and Road Initiative. The authors are, on the whole, senior academics specializing in such topics as International Relations and Security, Public Diplomacy, Media and Cultural Studies, and Philosophy and Religion from more than a dozen different European countries and are involved in various international projects focused on Europe-China relations"--

Adopting a transnational approach, this edited volume reveals that Germany and China have had many intense and varied encounters between 1890 and 1950. It focuses on their cross-cultural encounters, entanglements, and bi-directional cultural flows. Although their initial relationship was marked by the logic of colonialism, interwar Sino-German relations established a cooperative relationship untainted by imperialist politics several decades before the era of decolonization. A range of topics are addressed, including pacifists in Germany on the Boxer Rebellion, German investment in Qingdao, teachers at German-Chinese schools, social and pedagogical theories and practice, female literary and missionary connections, Sino-German musical entanglements, humanitarian connections during the Nanjing Massacre, Manchukuo-German diplomacy, and psychoanalysis during the Shanghai exile.

The Handbook introduces to readers (accessibly for specialist and non-specialist scholars, students and layman audiences) the diverse universe of non-state actors (NSAs) that have played or are currently playing a significant role in the context of East-West relations (from 1945 to the present). With a view to the oft-seen political debates about which non- state actors may be independent or controlled by particular states, and in what ways they may be useful or harmful to the interests of particular actors, this volume is interested in analysing and assessing the relationship of NSAs to key state actors in the context of the politics of East-West relations. Key state actors in this context include more than just the United States (on the one hand) and the Soviet Union or Russia (on the other hand). To offer a structured overview, the volume explores possible typologies of the relationships conceivable between NSAs and states. New concepts and organising principles are presented, to support a process-tracing analysis of the evolution of proxy ships, partnerships and other types of connections between states and non-state actors. Degrees, sources and types of control and influence are considered. Further, the Handbook's chapters also examine NSAs’ impact on the dynamics of interstate conflict and cooperation in the East-West dimension. The systematic examination of the relationship between states and NSAs in East-West relations proposed here is the first undertaking of its kind. International scholarship in political science and strategic analyses have so far neglected to develop an analytical framework and a truly nuanced understanding that could capture the intricate and multilevel relationships that exists between NSAs and states in this context.

"The increase in trade between China and Germany during the last decade--and, in particular, in German exports to China--has exceeded all expectations. Germany is China's number-one trade partner in the EU and China is the top foreign investment destination for German companies. Based on this emerging economic symbiosis between China and Germany, a "special relationship" is now developing. But is this trade-based relationship damaging wider European strategic interests in areas such as foreign policy, energy and raw materials, climate change and human rights? In a new ECFR policy brief, Hans Kundnani and Jonas Parello-Plesner argue that a special relationship between Germany and China is emerging: China needs technology and Germany needs markets. Structural similarities and shared economic interests are key for this emerging special relationship which has further intensified since the economic crisis in 2008. But Chinese companies will provide greater competition in the future and trade conflicts are likely to intensify -- Germany's approach to China is mostly driven by economic interests and the needs of its exporters. Germany's foreign policy is based on the idea that economic exchange would lead to political and societal change in China -- China sees Germany as the most useful country for its economic development. Germany is an attractive partner because of its prominent role in the EU, a similar strategic outlook-but also because of increased German dependence on China. "The Chinese are thinking about whether a 'German Europe' is emerging from the euro crisis just as we are. They increasingly see Berlin as the place to go to get things done." - Jonas Parello-Plesner. "Europe's future relationship with China will be determined by Germany's rapidly evolving bilateral relationship with China. The danger of this new special relationship is that it could undermine European strategic and economic interests"-Hans Kundnani. The authors argue that the emerging special relationship also matters for Europe and should be developed into a 'real' European strategic partnership with China: The EU should identify where Europe can help Germany. For example, the EU can bring added value in developing better investment and public procurement rules and it should use its leverage in negotiating access to raw materials -- A joint EU approach towards China requires better coordination among member states and the involvement of EU institutions. The EU should also explore new formats for dealing with China -- EU member states should empower the European External Action Service (EEAS) to develop a new "top-down" approach to China. The High Representative should co-ordinate Europe's China policy in areas such as trade and climate change"--Publisher's description.