Whether the nearly twelve years of military rule in Peru--between October 1968 and July 1980--are labelled a revolution, œso-called revolution, or simply a ‘military dictatorship’, one fact remains inescapable: the reforms and programs of the armed forces during that period profoundly altered Peruvian society. This book examines the social, political, and economic legacies of the military government and identifies major areas of tension that are likely to pose problems for the new civilian government. Following a review of the ideology, socio-economic goals, and political performance of the Institutional Revolution of the Armed Forces, the authors analyze the contemporary political economy of Peru and catalog the political and economic policy alternatives available to the Belaúnde regime in the next few years. They discuss the return to partisan politics in Peru, urban and rural conditions, and the way in which real political power has remained with the military forces, despite their surrender of formal authority. Subsequent chapters outline the IMF-imposed stabilization program, revealing its devastating effects on Lima's urban poor, and summarize recent Peruvian foreign policy. A final chapter draws on the prior discussion to present a critical analysis of the transitionary process from military to civilian rule in Peru.

The largest rebellion in the history of Spain's American empire—a conflict greater in territory and costlier in lives than the contemporaneous American Revolution—began as a local revolt against colonial authorities in 1780. As an official collector of tribute for the imperial crown, José Gabriel Condorcanqui had seen firsthand what oppressive Spanish rule meant for Peru's Indian population. Adopting the Inca royal name Tupac Amaru, he set events in motion that would transform him into Latin America's most iconic revolutionary figure. Tupac Amaru's political aims were modest at first. He claimed to act on the Spanish king's behalf, expelling corrupt Spaniards and abolishing onerous taxes. But the rebellion became increasingly bloody as it spread throughout Peru and into parts of modern-day Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina. By late 1780, Tupac Amaru, his wife Micaela Bastidas, and their followers had defeated the Spanish in numerous battles and gained control over a vast territory. As the rebellion swept through Indian villages to gain recruits and overthrow the Spanish corregidors, rumors spread that the Incas had returned to reclaim their kingdom. Charles Walker immerses readers in the rebellion's guerrilla campaigns, propaganda war, and brutal acts of retribution. He highlights the importance of Bastidas—the key strategist—and reassesses the role of the Catholic Church in the uprising's demise. The Tupac Amaru Rebellion examines why a revolt that began as a multiclass alliance against European-born usurpers degenerated into a vicious caste war—and left a legacy that continues to influence South American politics today.

Peru is the most interesting model of justice and development in Latin America today. To ana­lyze the sociopolitical progress of this nation, David Chaplin has gathered together and edited this interdisciplinary collection of essays. Peru's development is unique for several rea­sons. First, it has shown that a military force that was trained largely by the United States can em­ploy its professional expertise not to remain a well-behaved ally but to pull off a genuinely radi­cal nationalist revolution even at the expense of various interests of its "benefactor." Second, Peru has proven that successful economic de­velopment need be neither capitalist nor Social-ist. Peruvian Nationalism contains major papers by leading Peruvianists on the 1960s and on the current revolutionary military regime. The tem­poral focus is on the current (post-1968) revolu­tionary military government, with background material covering the early 1960s. Contributors are all social scientists -- including American, Italian and Peruvian writers -- who have carried outfield research in Peru. The primary focus of this volume is the radical change being carried out by the current military structure. Relevant background topics include: Peru's sociopolitical structure during the 1960s, especially under the Belaunde regime, with par­ticular attention to peasant movements and agrarian reform; a reassessment of the pre-1968 golpe (coup de'etat) behavior of former military governments; an analysis of the uniquely radical ideology and concrete reforms of the current mil­itary government. This social science reader on Peru is a schol­arly as well as sympathetic treatment of Peru's national and local politics, social structure, agrarian and tax reform and peasant move­ments. The editor has provided an extensive in­troduction and index and has also included a thorough bibliography of publications on Peru since 1960.

Bringing much-needed historical perspectives to debates about an idiosyncratic period in modern Latin American history, scholars from the United States and Peru reassess the meaning and legacy of Peru's left-leaning military dictatorship.

This volume covers the years between the guerillas' first attack in Peru in 1980 and President Fernando Belaunde's decision to send in the military to contain the growing rebellion in late 1982. It covers the strategy, actions, successes, and setbacks of both government and rebels.

In the wake of the French Revolution, as attempts to restore political stability to France repeatedly failed, a group of concerned intellectuals identified a likely culprit: the prevalent sensationalist psychology, and especially the flimsy and fragmented self it produced. They proposed a vast, state-run pedagogical project to replace sensationalism with a new psychology that showcased an indivisible and actively willing self, or moi. As conceived and executed by Victor Cousin, a derivative philosopher but an academic entrepreneur of genius, this long-lived project singled out the male bourgeoisie for training in selfhood. Granting everyone a self in principle, Cousin and his disciples deemed workers and women incapable of the introspective finesse necessary to appropriate that self in practice. Beginning with a fresh consideration of the place of sensationalism in the Old Regime and the French Revolution, Jan Goldstein traces a post-Revolutionary politics of selfhood that reserved the Cousinian moi for the educated elite, outraged Catholics and consigned socially marginal groups to the ministrations of phrenology. Situating the Cousinian moi between the fragmented selves of eighteenth-century sensationalism and twentieth-century Freudianism, Goldstein suggests that the resolutely unitary self of the nineteenth century was only an interlude tailored to the needs of the post-Revolutionary bourgeois order.