A sense of order has irreversibly retreated at the turn of the twenty-first century with the rise of such ancient civilizations as China and India and the militant resurgence of Islamic groups. The United States and like-minded states want to maintain the once-dominant international and global order buttressed by a set of mainly Western value systems and institutions. Nevertheless, challengers have sought to redraw the international and global order according to their own ideas and preferences, while selectively accommodating and taking advantage of the established order. Because of this, the entire world is teetering on the brink of an order war. This book is a synthesis of two separate bodies of thoughts, from Western and East Asian ideas and philosophies respectively. The authors deploy the major ideas of key Western and East Asian thinkers to shed a new light on their usefulness in understanding the transition of global order. They locate new ideas to overcome the contradictions of the late modern world and provide some ideational building blocks of a new global order. The new concepts proposed are: recognition between the great civilizations; a harmony and floating balance between and within contrasts—individual versus community, freedom versus equality—;and mediation between friends and foes. As the former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin put it, "you don’t need to make peace with your friends, you have to make peace with your foes." The values of the West as well as that of the East cannot survive in a globalized world by taking them as absolute, but only by balancing them to those of the other great civilizations of the world.

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Islamist organizations' conceptions of political order based on a comparative case study of the Shiite Lebanese Hezbollah and the Sunni Palestinian Hamas. Connecting Islamism research, Critical Constructivist norm research, and resistance studies from the field of International Relations Theory, it demonstrates that resistance constitutes both organizations' core norm and is relevant for their conceptions of political order. Based on primary Arabic data the book illustrates that the core norm of resistance, deeply intertwined with both organizations' interactions towards power preservation and the specific political context they are engaged in, characterizes Hezbollah's and Hamas' respective conceptions of political order and explains the differences between them. In contrast to common perceptions presented in research, politics, and the media, the book shows that in the case of both Hezbollah and Hamas the religious orientation, i.e. Shiite and Sunni Islamist political thought, plays a secondary role only when it comes to explaining Islamist organizations' political orientation. Bringing new insights from cases that lie beyond the Western liberal world order into Critical Constructivist norm research and resistance studies, the book establishes a theoretical framework that enables scholars to comprehensively analyze Islamist organizations' political orientation in different cases without being caught in limited analytical categories. It will be of interest to students and scholars of International Relations Theory, Middle East Studies, and Global Governance.

This book examines the evolution of the Euro-Atlantic security system, from cooperation to rivalry and crisis, since the beginning of the 21st century. By highlighting the causes, manifestations and international consequences of this evolution, the author describes a stage of crisis in the security system, characterized by increasing rivalry for spheres of influence, militarization of policies and the suspension of cooperation due to the growing divergence between the interests of the West – now including the Central European states – and Russia, leading to a subsequent reconfiguration of the world order. Adopting a neo-realistic approach, the author demonstrates that members of the Euro-Atlantic security system, irrespective of the values they claim to hold, are guided in their actions on the international stage by clearly defined interests. The first part of the book analyses the nature of the Euro-Atlantic security system, while the second part illustrates the limited success of Euro-Atlantic collaboration, for example in combating terrorism. Lastly, the third part discusses the consequences of the crisis, such as the conflict in Ukraine, and prospects for the future evolution of the Euro-Atlantic security system.

What were the calculations made by the US and its major allies in the 1960s when they faced the signing of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)? These were all states with the technological and financial capabilities to develop and possess nuclear weapons should they wish to do so. In the end, only the United Kingdom and France became nuclear weapon states. Eventually, all of them joined the non-proliferation regime. Leading American, British, Canadian, French, German and Japanese scholars consider key questions that faced the signatories to the NPT: How imperative was nuclear deterrence in facing the perceived threat to their country? How reliable did they think the US extended deterrence was, and how costly would an independent deterrent be both financially and politically? Was there a regional option? How much future was there in the civilian nuclear energy sector for their country and what role would the NPT play in this area? What capabilities needed to be preserved for the country’s future and how could this be made compatible with the NPT? What were the determining factors of deciding whether to join the NPT?

International institutions and agencies from the Global North are no longer the sole initiators of development norms and best practices. The proliferation of exports and imports of social, economic and policy management models have called for a rethinking of South–South relations. To date, most studies have focused on the drivers and strategies of international initiatives made by emerging powers; none have analysed the impact of these initiatives on the receiving country’s institutions, and on the structures of international organisations. In this book, Carolina Milhorance examines the content, process and consequences of the internationalisation of Brazil’s rural public policy instruments. Brazil earned wide international recognition in the early 2000s for its agricultural modernisation and social policies; its increasing influence illustrated the specific political interests of coalitions that are embedded in domestic and international struggles. Drawing on extensive field research – including more than 280 interviews – conducted in Brazil, Mozambique, South Africa, Malawi, France and Italy, Milhorance analyses the effects of the internationalisation of Brazilian policy solutions on national and local political systems in recipient countries, highlighting specifically the case of Mozambique. Relying on a new theoretical approach to International Relations – one based on public policy analysis and international political sociology – she moves beyond a debate about conventional notions of international power. New Geographies of Global Policy-Making will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, public policy analysis, political sociology, comparative politics, and Latin American studies.

This volume offers the first systematic account of how education and science have become sources of power for the states in international relations and what factors have effected this development. Drawing together extensive empirical data on the USA, the EU, Japan, Korea, Singapore, and China, Wojciuk explores the factors and mechanisms through which education and science translate into the international position of different states, highlighting how they continue to contribute to the reproduction of the centre-periphery system in global politics. Written in an accessible style, the author argues that these factors increase the likelihood of success for states in international relations, even if in themselves, they cannot guarantee it. Specifying the ways in which education and science contribute to the power of a state in international relations, Wojciuk focuses on mechanisms involved in state-building processes and economic development, and invokes cases of successful competitive strategies involving education and science. This work will be of interest to scholars in a wide range of subjects including education research, international relations and international political economy.

The world continues to be threatened by non-state, religiously-rationalized violence. While some fail to the see the connections between the United States’ intervention in the Middle East and this ongoing threat, the non-state perpetrators of terror consistently identify American meddling as one of their principle motivating grievances. What are the social and cultural roots of different religious positions on the war in Iraq? Christianity and American State Violence in Iraq returns to a critical moment in U.S. foreign policy, during which American Christians publicly debated war in Iraq. It examines the religious precepts that were used to argue both for and against the United States’ military engagement in Iraq. To capture this behavior, Christopher A. Morrissey delves into the distinct social and cultural origins of both war-supporting and war-challenging positions. His analysis represents an improved understanding of the public role of religion in important foreign policy debates and helps us better understand how religious culture can legitimate or challenge state violence. An original and timely resource on the social sources of religion’s ambivalence towards violence and peace in the US and abroad.