The focus of this book is on the fifteen-member European Union but its coverage extends to many other bodies which form part of today's Europe, such as the Council of Europe, the European Economic Area and Western European Union.

The region of South East Europe (SEE), which is home to both NATO and Partnership for Peace (PfP) countries, serves as an important corridor between Europe and the Middle East, North Africa, and the Caucasus. In recent years, however, SEE has also experienced high levels of cross-border, military and defense-related challenges in the form of migration, smuggling, terrorism, and cyber threats. Furthermore, the use of the new information environment (IE) to further extremism in SEE and elsewhere in NATO and PfP countries has had far-reaching command and control (C2) implications for the Alliance. A collaborative interdisciplinary, international and regional approach is clearly needed to adequately assess and address these hybrid threats. This book presents papers delivered at the NATO Science for Peace and Security (SPS) event: “Senior Leadership Roundtable on Military and Defense Aspects of Border Security in South East Europe”, held in Berovo, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia* from 23-30 September 2017. The aim of this special SPS grant was to maximize opportunities for extensive dialogue and collaboration between senior regional members, and the almost 70 distinguished academic and legal experts, as well as current or former senior-level practitioners from various governments, NATO bodies, and international organization that participated. It was the first SPS event of its kind in SEE as well as the first NATO SPS grant to be co-executed by the U.S. Department of Defense via the U.S. National Defense University. Other co-organizers were the C4I and Cyber Center of Excellence at George Mason University and PfP partner institution, the General Mihailo Apostolski Military Academy – Skopje, Associate Member of the University of Goce Delčev – Stip. The book is divided into five parts: global trends, defining the problem, policy and academic solutions, national and regional case studies, and technological solutions. It will prove an invaluable source of reference for all those with an interest in the SEE region as well as cross-border hybrid threats, in general. * Turkey recognizes the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional name.

This is the first comprehensive analysis of the development of relations between Russia and NATO since 1991. Since the re-emergence of Russia as an independent state in December 1991, debates and controversies surrounding its evolving relations with NATO have been a prominent feature of the European security scene. This is the first detailed and comprehensive book-length analysis of Russia-NATO relations, covering the years 1991-2005. This new volume investigates the nature and substance of the ‘partnership’ relations that have developed between Russia and NATO since the end of the Cold War. It looks at the impact that the Kosovo crisis, September 11th, the Iraq War and the creation of the NATO-Russia Council have on this complex relationship. The author concludes that Russia and NATO have, so far, developed a pragmatic partnership, but one that may potentially develop into a more significant strategic partnership. This book will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, European politics and European security.

Future NATO looks at the challenges facing NATO in the 21st century and examines how the Alliance can adapt to ensure its continued success For more than 70 years, the North Atlantic Alliance has helped to preserve peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area. It has been able to adjust to varying political and strategic challenges. We must ensure that NATO continues to be effective in the future. This requires looking ahead, challenging habitual approaches, exchanging ideas, and advancing new thinking. I highly recommend Future NATO to policymakers, military professionals and scholars alike, as it offers necessary critical and constructive analysis of current and future challenges posed to our security and defence.Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, Minister of Defence, Germany Since 1949, NATO has successfully upheld common principles and adapted to new realities. As Future NATO examines, the Alliance is facing a new set of external and internal challenges in the decades to come. The Alliance and its partners need to remain committed to future changes. I recommend this excellent study to all, but especially to the younger generation of scholars and future policymakers. Trine Bramsen, Minister of Defence, Denmark Over the last 70 years, Europe has lived in peace and prosperity because of NATO, with unity as our most important weapon. We may have our differences, but we will continue to work on our common cause to promote peace, security and stability. To effectively do so, NATO needs to continuously adapt to changing security situations. An important current challenge is to ensure European Allies take more responsibility for their security. But we also need to look at future challenges and find innovative solutions for them. Future NATO offers a useful analysis that can help us prepare for what is to come for the Alliance. Ank Bijleveld, Minister of Defence, The Netherlands

In this new Brookings Marshall Paper, Michael O'Hanlon argues that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south: Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia. The new security architecture would require that Russia, like NATO, commit to help uphold the security of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other states in the region. Russia would have to withdraw its troops from those countries in a verifiable manner; after that, corresponding sanctions on Russia would be lifted. The neutral countries would retain their rights to participate in multilateral security operations on a scale comparable to what has been the case in the past, including even those operations that might be led by NATO. They could think of and describe themselves as Western states (or anything else, for that matter). If the European Union and they so wished in the future, they could join the EU. They would have complete sovereignty and self-determination in every sense of the word. But NATO would decide not to invite them into the alliance as members. Ideally, these nations would endorse and promote this concept themselves as a more practical way to ensure their security than the current situation or any other plausible alternative.

A head of title: Council on Foreign Relations, International Institutions and Global Governance Program.