Roughly 200 million today, Indian Muslims are greater than the population of Britain and France or Germany put together. According to the Indian Constitution, Indian Muslims are treated as political equals, which is what India’s secular polity promised after its independence, encouraging more than 35 million Indian Muslims at the time of Partition to choose India as their motherland over Pakistan. However, the supposed relationship of equality between Hindus and Muslims as scripted in the constitution is being increasingly replaced by the domineering tendencies of a Hindu majority in India today. The author describes the current state and position of Indian Muslims (the seeds for which were sown when the BJP came to power in 2014) as the thirdpolitical moment; the second he believes was in 1947 when the community was given equal status in the Indian Constitution; and the first, was in 1857 when Indian Muslims learnt to live under the British colonial state. As he states, there is no denying that political circumstances for Indian Muslims were not completely ideal or full of democratic energy prior to the rise of the Hindu Right since the late 1980s. With numerous layers defined by language, ethnicity, region, etc., Muslims have the most heterogeneous identity, representing India’s quintessential diversity. And yet, Muslims are perceived as the most enduring well-grounded threat to the majoritarian project of the Hindu Rashtra. Indian Muslims are perceived or presented as perpetrators of violence and violators of law, even if they are at the receiving end. They are viewed as an internal enemy, who need to be dealt with for political, social, historical, and ideological reasons. Going forward, the community must formulate the language of democratic rights of Indian Muslims as equal citizens and define the ethics of human dignity in their struggle to reassert their place in India’s political power structures at all levels: from panchayat to Parliament. While the economic future or cultural rights of Indian Muslims have been debated since 1947, it is the political future that demands attention because only as an equal and participatory community in the politics of the nation, can economic and cultural futures be addressed. This book explores the political future of Indian Muslims in this context. From Shaheen Bagh to Hindu-Muslim riots, from the unique position of Muslim women in India to the Sachar Report and the Muslim backwardness debate, Mujibur Rehman analyses, confronts and discusses the urgent concerns of Indian Muslims in a manner that is nuanced and globally relevant.

What are the real heartbreaking stories of Non-Muslim women (and men) in inter-faith relationships with Muslims? What are the basic legal and social implications of such alliances that both men and women entering them should know? Are such relationships based on a premise of religious superiority and hegemony of Islam? Is there either 'Love' or 'Jihad' imbibed in such relationships? Were inter-faith unions a mechanism for the spread of Islam? Can such liasions survive the pre-requisites of Shariah law? And is the overwhelming complexity and brutality of such relationships a manifestation of predatory Dawah?These fundamental questions are addressed in this book which is based on primary research by Group of Intellectuals and Academicians (GIA).

Chronic Hindu-Muslim rioting in India has created a situation in which communal violence is both so normal and so varied in its manifestations that it would seem to defy effective analysis. Paul R. Brass, one of the world’s preeminent experts on South Asia, has tracked more than half a century’s riots in the north Indian city of Aligarh. This book is the culmination of a lifetime’s thinking about the dynamics of institutionalized intergroup violence in northern India, covering the last three decades of British rule as well as the entire post-Independence history of Aligarh. Brass exposes the mechanisms by which endemic communal violence is deliberately provoked and sustained. He convincingly implicates the police, criminal elements, members of Aligarh’s business community, and many of its leading political actors in the continuous effort to “produce” communal violence. Much like a theatrical production, specific roles are played, with phases for rehearsal, staging, and interpretation. In this way, riots become key historical markers in the struggle for political, economic, and social dominance of one community over another. In the course of demonstrating how riots have been produced in Aligarh, Brass offers a compelling argument for abandoning or refining a number of widely held views about the supposed causes of communal violence, not just in India but throughout the rest of the world. An important addition to the literature on Indian and South Asian politics, this book is also an invaluable contribution to our understanding of the interplay of nationalism, ethnicity, religion, and collective violence, wherever it occurs.

Breaking Worlds: Religion, Law and Citizenship in Majoritarian India; The Story of Assam chronicles how prejudicial laws and policies are being utilized with impunity to reconstruct citizenship in Assam in Northeast India. The Government of India's stated objective is to replicate "Assam-like" changes to citizenship across the country. The Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party-led central government's pilot implementation has centered on the state of Assam in Northeast India since 2019, with dire impact on its sizeable Muslim population. Majoritarian nationalists claim that various Muslim communities residing in India are in the country "illegally," and are not Indian. The modalities for safe harbor that apply to other communities exclude Muslims. In particular, Bangla-descent Muslims are fabricated as "foreigners" and "outsiders," are the primary targets. If Bangla-descent Muslims of Assam are not Indians, then who are they? Hindu nationalists claim that various Muslim communities residing in India are in the country "illegally," and are not Indian. Bangla-descent Muslims who fail to meet the government's demands to prove their citizenship are faced with the threat of expulsion, exile, and statelessness.Through applied research and methodical analysis, the report spotlights the illiberal citizenship movement ignited by majoritarian forces focusing on two intersecting chronologies: the exclusionary amendments to the law and the implosive situation on the ground that collectively stands to render swathes of citizens effectively stateless. The report identifies communities that are subject to discriminatory treatment. It chronicles the voices, lives, and torment of numerous targeted individuals, including victimized-survivors who have been declared "foreigners" in Assam, separated from their families and detained, and family members of suicide victims, together with summary analyses of cases before the appellate body. The report brings into focus how the laws and policies reordering Indian citizenship are fortifying legal discrimination based on religion, and the impact on vulnerable communities. The report's emphasis on Assam and Bangla-descent Muslims is prognosticative. The report contends that the "citizenship experiment" signals the advance of inestimable, gendered violence and prospective statelessness that stand to devastate millions of lives.

This book examines and establishes connections between Italian Fascism and Hindu nationalism, connections which developed within the frame of Italy’s anti-British foreign policy. The most remarkable contacts with the Indian political milieu were established via Bengali nationalist circles. Diplomats and intellectuals played an important role in establishing and cultivating those tie-ups. Tagore’s visit to Italy in 1925 and the much more relevant liaison between Subhas Chandra Bose and the INA were results of the Italian propaganda and activities in India. But the most meaningful part of this book is constituted by the connections and influences it establishes between Fascism as an ideology and a political system and Marathi Hindu nationalism. While examining fascist political literature and Mussolini’s figure and role, Marathi nationalists were deeply impressed and influenced by the political ideology itself, the duce and fascist organisations. These impressions moulded the RSS, a right-wing, Hindu nationalist organisation, and Hindutva ideology, with repercussions on present Indian politics. This is the most original and revealing part of the book, entirely based on unpublished sources, and will prove foundational for scholars of modern Indian history.

In Frontier Fictions, Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet looks at the efforts of Iranians to defend, if not expand, their borders in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and explores how their conceptions of national geography influenced cultural and political change. The "frontier fictions," or the ways in which the Iranians viewed their often fluctuating borders and the conflicts surrounding them, played a dominant role in defining the nation. On these borderlands, new ideas of citizenship and nationality were unleashed, refining older ideas of ethnicity. Kashani-Sabet maintains that land-based conceptions of countries existed before the advent of the modern nation-state. Her focus on geography enables her to explore and document fully a wide range of aspects of modern citizenship in Iran, including love of homeland, the hegemony of the Persian language, and widespread interest in archaeology, travel, and map-making. While many historians have focused on the concept of the "imagined community" in their explanations of the rise of nationalism, Kashani-Sabet is able to complement this perspective with a very tangible explanation of what connects people to a specific place. Her approach is intended to enrich our understanding not only of Iranian nationalism, but also of nationalism everywhere.