Cuando están cerca de cumplirse 40 años desde la aprobación de la Constitución Española, existe un consenso generalizado sobre la ruptura del pacto constitucional que permitió su aprobación, así como sobre la necesidad de su reforma. Esta ruptura del pacto constitucional se ha originado fundamentalmente como consecuencia de la crisis de la nación como institución constitucional. Partiendo de esta reflexión, el autor hace un análisis de nuestra vigente "constitución material" y describe con lucidez y realismo las claves del éxito de la estrategia de debilitamiento de la nación española seguida por los grupos nacionalistas secesionistas, de la aceptación acrítica de la misma por las instituciones y de las disfunciones constitucionales que ello ha generado. Todo ello ha desembocado en la desaparición de gran parte de los elementos básicos que hacen que España sea una nación reconocible como tal. Este no es un problema solo afectivo o de sentimientos, sino que, como el presente libro analiza, la nación tiene una función constitucional básica para que el Estado funcione y alcance sus objetivos de libertad, justicia e igualdad. Sin una nación eficiente no existe un Estado eficiente. El libro aborda posteriormente la idea de que la reforma constitucional sólo puede ser exitosa si la nación se refuerza y que, para ello, paradójicamente es necesario asumir la posibilidad de un referéndum en Cataluña y País Vasco sobre su independencia. Las claves de cómo y cuándo hacerlo, cuál debe ser el procedimiento, los plazos y condiciones para el referéndum y cómo evitar asumir riesgos de desequilibrios políticos y constitucionales en este proceso, constituyen el núcleo de las reflexiones que este libro acomete de forma directa y, por 10 realista de las mismas, heterodoxa.

The book deals with the secession/separation of territorial entities and the legal consequences that derive from it both for the parent state and for the seceded/separated entity or the entity that intends to secede/separate. This subject is approached from the triple perspective of international law, comparative law, and Spanish law.International law, because it is this legal system which contains the general legal framework within which this issue must be dealt with. Thus, for example, the legal basis of the right to self-determination, the constituent elements of the state, the recognition of states and governments, succession in the matter of treaties, succession in membership of International Organisations, etc.Moreover, international law is also the reference invoked by secessionist/independentist political projects within states in an attempt to provide a legal basis for the legality of their claim.Comparative law, in order to find out not only how most state constitutions deal with secession or independence of their territories, but also the jurisprudence handed down by national courts on the matter (USA, Canada, Italy, France, Spain, among others).And finally, Spanish Law, because the perspective chosen to address the object of study is from the perspective of Spain.

Includes entries for maps and atlases.

Constituent power is the power to create new constitutions. Frequently exercised during political revolutions, it has been historically associated with extra-legality and violations of the established legal order. This book examines the relationship between constituent power and the law. It considers the place of constituent power in constitutional history, focusing on the legal and institutional implications that theorists, politicians, and judges have derived from it. Commentators and citizens have relied on the concept of constituent power to defend the idea that electors have the right to instruct representatives, to negate the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, and to argue that the creation of new constitutions must take place through extra-legislative processes, including primary assemblies open to all citizens. More recently, several Latin American constitutions explicitly incorporate the theory of constituent power and allow citizens, acting through popular initiative, to trigger constitution-making episodes that may result in the replacement of the entire constitutional order. Constitutional courts have also at times employed constituent power to justify their jurisdiction to invalidate constitutional amendments that alter the fundamental structure of the constitution and thus amount to a constitution-making exercise. Some governments have used it to defend the legality of attempts to transform the constitutional order through procedures not contemplated in the constitution's amendment rule, but considered participatory enough to be equivalent to 'the people in action', sometimes sanctioned by courts. Building on these findings, Constituent Power and the Law argues that constituent power, unlike sovereignty, should be understood as ultimately based on a legal mandate to produce a particular type of juridical content. In practice, this makes it possible for a constitution-making body to be understood as legally subject to popularly ratified substantive limits.

For the first time in the republican history of Peru, the presidential transition takes place in democracy, social peace, fast economic growth and favorable world markets. In other words, there has never been a better chance to build a different Peru - a richer country, more equal and governable. There are multiple ways to achieve that goal. New reforms must stem from a widespread and participatory debate, one of a common vision conceived for and by Peruvians. This book aims at making a technical and independent contribution to such debate; it summarizes the knowledge available about the challenges to be faced by the new administration. The study does not recommend silver bullets, but suggests policy options. It is based on the analysis of the current reality and in six decades of relationships with Peru, in which the Bank has implemented more than 100 projects and prepared more than 500 technical reports covering the wide range of development topics. When necessary, the study provides lessons that the Bank has learned elsewhere. The study provides a conceptual framework to the analysis of the country's 34 economic sectors and the two historical perspectives behind them. In doing so, it offers a comprehensive reform agenda that sheds light on possible priorities and courses of action.