This book examines the security arrangements of the Persian Gulf, with a particular focus on Iran's security plans since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution and follows it during Hassan Rouhani presidency. The book provides responses to the questions regarding the security plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran vis a vis the Persian Gulf and why the plans of the Rouhani government in this regard have not been welcomed by the countries of the region. It also analyses the security approach to establish comprehensive and lasting security in this region. Highlighting the importance of Iran's plans during Rouhani's presidency, the author indicates that it provides a codified and clear solution for achieving security in the region from the viewpoint of Iran. These plans have come closer to the logic of realism and has moved away from the idealism of the past plans. Seeking to create a balance against other actors in the region, Iran's plans are not welcomed by the region`s countries, because it seeks to bring other actors such as Russia and China to the Persian Gulf in order to balance against the United States. The book designs a security model for sustainable security in the Persian Gulf and how to achieve a model for regional dialogue. Comparing the transition to realistic logic in relation to other Iranian plans regarding the Persian Gulf, this book offers an innovative analysis of Iran's plans for the security of the Persian Gulf. It will be of interest to researchers in political science, International Relations, political geography, regional studies, security studies and Middle East Studies.

Research completed January 1993.

This updated resource provides a more comprehensive history, including: Iran's Persian imperial past, the spread of Islam, and the Iran-Iraq War The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN) emphasizes an asymetric doctrine to ensure national security in the Persian Gulf against regional neighbors and foreign presence. The Islamic Republic of Iran Navy (IRIN) employs a more conventional doctrine and focuses on forward presence and naval diplomacy. Both navies have considerable equities and are well positioned to influence and leverage the Strait of Hormuz; a vital chokepoint for the flow of resources and international commerce. Illustrated with organizational charts, and photos of key Iranian leaders, including commanders within the Navy Command and Control Leadership, as well as rank insignia graphics, maps, ships, aircrafts, missile images, and more. Check out ourMiddle East resources collection for more resources on this topic. You may also be interested in ourForeign Military History collection Other products produced by theUnited States Navy

The contradictory trends of the 'post-Arab Spring' landscape form both the backdrop to, and the focus of, this volume on the changing security dynamics of the Persian Gulf, defined as the six GCC states plus Iraq and Iran. The political and economic upheaval triggered by the uprisings of 2011, and the rapid emergence of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria in 2014, have underscored the vulnerability of regional states to an intersection of domestic pressures and external shocks. The initial phase of the uprisings has given way to a series of messy and uncertain transitions that have left societies deeply fractured and ignited violence both within and across states. The bulk of the protests, with the notable exception of Bahrain, occurred outside the Gulf region, but Persian Gulf states were at the forefront of the political, economic, and security response across the Middle East. This volume provides a timely and comparative study of how security in the Persian Gulf has evolved and adapted to the growing uncertainty of the post-2011 regional landscape.

Gregory Gause's masterful book is the first to offer a comprehensive account of the international politics in the Persian Gulf across nearly four decades. The story begins in 1971 when Great Britain ended its protectorate relations with the smaller states of the lower Gulf. It traces developments in the region from the oil 'revolution' of 1973–4 through the Iranian revolution, the Iran-Iraq war and the Gulf war of 1990–1 to the toppling of Saddam Hussein in the American-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, bringing the story of Gulf regional politics up to 2008. The book highlights transnational identity issues, regime security and the politics of the world oil market, and charts the changing mix of interests and ambitions driving American policy. The author brings his experience as a scholar and commentator on the Gulf to this riveting account of one of the most politically volatile regions on earth.

Tensions between Iran and its Arab neighbors at the Persian Gulf have often been described as one of the challenges to the world peace and security over the past decade. As a result, one of the puzzles of the current international relations has been the question of whether or not, there are prospects to resolve conflicts between Iran and Saudi Arabia and GCC and envision normalized, friendly diplomatic relations between the two states. This book argues that normalized and friendly ties between Iran and Saudi Arabia is possible, and indeed, the author shows that there is a historical precedence for it, even in the post-1979 revolutionary Iran. And, if normalized and friendly diplomatic relations are possible between Iran and Saudi Arabia, then, it is not hard to envision that maladies of sectarianism as well as Sunni-Shi’a conflict would subside in the region. The book draws on the author’s involvement, conversations, interviews, and personal observations as Ambassador and official over several decades. The book tries to explore the possibilities of diplomatic resolutions to the existing conflicts between Iran and Saudi Arabia and offer a roadmap to achieving sustainable diplomatic relations.

This book discusses the threats and challenges facing the Persian Gulf and the future security in the region, providing an overview of the major regional and extra-regional actors in Gulf security. It argues that except for Iran, no regional or extra-regional actors, including the United States, China, India and Russia, have developed a strategy for Persian Gulf security, and only Turkey has expressed a willingness to provide security for the region. Importantly, the major threats to Persian Gulf security are nonconventional, rather than external, threats to Iranian hegemony or the balance of power. In conclusion, it predicts that the power struggle in the Persian Gulf in the coming decades will be between Iran and Turkey, and not between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This book is of interest to diplomats, journalists, international affairs specialists, strategists and scholars of Gulf politics and security and defence studies.