For decades, Chinese Indonesians have been in numerous harshspotlights in their own country. Starting from supposedly simple thingslike obtaining official documents to be legal citizens of Indonesia, theironly homeland now, where they can be harassed and cornered, whichnot seldom can extend to the extremes where they are made as victimsand scapegoat particularly when issues related to racism arise.Similar to other ethnic groups, they also live in different economicclasses. Some are very wealthy, some are rich, some live in the middleclasseconomy, some dwell in their simple lives, some are poor, andsome try to survive their abject poverty.In the urban areas, they are seen to live a good life; some arevery rich or even extremely prosperous. Most of these people arebusinessmen, ranging from a colossal size to a mere small business.However, reality also shows that many Chinese Indonesians in thesuburb areas live an uncertain day-to-day life and some are evenextremely poor. Fishermen in Tangerang, North Sumatra, Riau, Bangkaor pedicab drivers, unskilled labor, angkot (a small public minibus)drivers, domestic maids, office boys, and blue collar workers in WestKalimantan (Sambas and Singkawang) and Bangka are factual examplesof the grueling lives that they have to carry on striving.In spite of all the facts, people often forget or even intentionallyignore the facts that many Chinese Indonesians have also madepositive contributions to their country in many different aspects, suchas economy, sports, culture, science, or political sectors to name afew. These facts also need to be understood and enlightened to fellowcountrymen in order to portray a more balanced, objective view, andnon-discriminatory judgment which in turn can prevent hatred, dislike,and other unfavorable prejudice against Indonesian citizens of Chinesedescent due to the past inaccurate stereotype and labeling.This book tries to present an objective portrait of ChineseIndonesians and their roles within their own beloved country and state,with the very same goal of all proud Indonesian countrymen—to createa stronger unity and integrity of Indonesia, a country that highly valuespluralism and the unity-in-diversity principle through the distinguishedPancasila philosophy

For decades, Chinese Indonesians have been in numerous harsh spotlights in their own country. Starting from supposedly simple things like obtaining official documents to be legal citizens of Indonesia, their only homeland now, where they can be harassed and cornered, which not seldom can extend to the extremes where they are made as victims and scapegoat particularly when issues related to racism arise. Similar to other ethnic groups, they also live in different economic classes. Some are very wealthy, some are rich, some live in the middleclass economy, some dwell in their simple lives, some are poor, and some try to survive their abject poverty. In the urban areas, they are seen to live a good life; some are very rich or even extremely prosperous. Most of these people are businessmen, ranging from a colossal size to a mere small business. However, reality also shows that many Chinese Indonesians in the suburb areas live an uncertain day-to-day life and some are even extremely poor. Fishermen in Tangerang, North Sumatra, Riau, Bangka or pedicab drivers, unskilled labor, angkot (a small public minibus) drivers, domestic maids, office boys, and blue collar workers in West Kalimantan (Sambas and Singkawang) and Bangka are factual examples of the grueling lives that they have to carry on striving. In spite of all the facts, people often forget or even intentionally ignore the facts that many Chinese Indonesians have also made positive contributions to their country in many different aspects, such as economy, sports, culture, science, or political sectors to name a few. These facts also need to be understood and enlightened to fellow countrymen in order to portray a more balanced, objective view, and non-discriminatory judgment which in turn can prevent hatred, dislike, and other unfavorable prejudice against Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent due to the past inaccurate stereotype and labeling. This book tries to present an objective portrait of Chinese Indonesians and their roles within their own beloved country and state, with the very same goal of all proud Indonesian countrymen—to create a stronger unity and integrity of Indonesia, a country that highly values pluralism and the unity-in-diversity principle through the distinguished Pancasila philosophy

The disintegration of Indonesia's New Order regime in 1998 and the fall of Soeharto put an end to the crude forms of centralised authoritarianism and economic protectionism that allowed large Chinese conglomerates to dom- inate Indonesia's private sector. Contrary to all expectations, most of the major capitalist groups, though damaged considerably by the Asian Crisis, managed to cope with the ensuing monumental political and economic changes, and now thrive again albeit within a new democratic environment. In this book Christian Chua assesses the state of capital before, during, and after the financial and political crisis of 1997/1998 and analyses the changing relationships between business and the state in Indonesia. Using a distinct perspective that combines cultural and structural approaches on Chinese big business with exclusive material derived from interviews with some of Indonesia’s major business leaders, Chua identifies the strategies employed by tycoons to adapt their corporations to the post-authoritarian regime and provides a unique insight into how state-business relationships in Indonesia have evolved since the crisis. Chinese Big Business in Indonesia is the first major analysis of capital in Indonesia since the fall of Soeharto, and will be of interest to graduate students and scholars of political economy, political sociology, economics and business administration as well as to practitioners having to do with Southeast Asian business and politics.

2022 was another crucial year for China-Indonesia relations. The cooperation continued to grow and expand in various fields. While political and economic fields remain the arenas where the ties between China and Indonesia predominantly revolved, 2022 witnessed numerous developments in the soft-power fields. These included China’s growing media influence and its public diplomacy towards the Muslim community aimed to augment its positive image among Indonesians. Such efforts appeared to be a response to the fact that in recent years Indonesians’ view of China has not been positive. In the 2022's survey, there was a decline in the public's positive feelings towards China decreased significantly compared to five years ago. This sentiment is rooted not only in the country’s long history of anti-China sentiment, which has been exacerbated by Chinese incursions in the South China Sea, but mainly in its ill-treatment of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang. As in the previous two years, this book aims to understand the various dynamics in the relationship between China and Indonesia throughout 2022. It analyses crucial episodes in Beijing-Jakarta cooperation that took place in the past year and attempts to offer recommendations that can be taken by government actors, business actors, and other relevant stakeholders in order to ensure that the relationship is mutually beneficial for both countries.

Indonesia, the world's fourth most populous country, is undergoing a profound transformation that could lead to a variety of outcomes, from the consolidation of democracy to return to authoritarianism or military rule, to radical Islamic rule, or to violent disintegration. The stakes are high, for Indonesia is the key to Southeast Asian security. The authors examine the trends and dynamics that are driving Indonesia's transformation, outline possible strategic futures and their implications for regional stability, and identify options the United States might pursue in the critical challenge of influencing Indonesia's future course. Steps the United States might take now include support for Indonesia's stability and territorial integrity, reestablishment of Indonesian-U.S. military cooperation and interaction, aid in rebuilding a constructive Indonesian role in regional security, and support for development of a regional crisis reaction force. A continued strong U.S. presence in the Asia-Pacific region will reinforce the U.S. role as regional balancer.

In most Southeast Asian countries, the members of the Chinese Diaspora have secured important position in the fields of administration, education and religion. Thanks to their capacity to work and to adapt as well as their frugality, their cultural influence continues to grow. Clans and factions form the essential structure of the ancient Chinese society. If Imperial China never developed a Civil Law, it's probably because the ancient Chinese society never really saw the need for it. This structure of relations could also explain why the Chinese civilisation didn't develop a real territorial reference. The Chinese Diaspora today covers different political and economical realities which could be conflicting. What primarily characterises the Diaspora is apparently its great capacity to organise itself in any economical, political, social or cultural environment. The capacity if its economic and administrative elites had been the determining factor of their development. However, the existence of informal and trans-national networks can also help the development of criminal activities. The presence of mafia groups and gangs of Chinese origin and their collusion with the world of finance and politics are historical facts in the region and could represent today a real threat for its stability. These criminal networks tend to forge business link with their Japanese, Russian, Korea, Italian or South American counterparts and sometimes could interfere with the process of political decision making.

Aims to unpack the complex meanings of 'Chineseness' in post-1998 Indonesia, including the ways in which the policy of multiculturalism enabled such a 'resurgence', the forces that shaped it and the possibilities for 'resinicisation'. This book examines ethnic Chinese self-identify.