′Successfully challenges the notion that we live in a post-ideological age. John Schwarzmantel searchingly questions the thesis that only single issues and identities matter, providing a reliable compass to help students navigate through a world that has witnessed the death of Communism and the rise of neo-liberal hegemony′ - Jules Townshend, Professor of Political Theory, Manchester Metropolitan University This book challenges the idea of post-ideological consensus and offers a fresh perspective on the current state of political ideologies. With ′traditional′ political ideologies, such as liberalism, socialism, nationalism and conservatism, perceived to be in crisis, it assesses: - Their continued relevance in the context of globalisation and of scepticism towards ideological thinking - The challenges posed by ′new′ ideologies such as ecologism and feminism - The implications of new social movements and ideas of community and multiculturalism for the traditional Left-Right political framework. Ideology and Politics presents an accessible account of a new era of ideological politics, where the dominant neo-liberalism has spawned a diverse global range of ′ideologies of opposition′. It situates these radical frameworks of change and protest in relation to more traditional ′anti′ ideologies and seeks to re-establish the relevance of ideologies for political action in the contemporary world. This text will be core reading for students of politics at advanced undergraduate and postgraduate level.

First published in 1976. Ideology plays an important role in many fields of human activity and has therefore been dealt with directly and indirectly in a vast number of studies, but a generally accepted definition of the term is lacking even in the various branches of social and political science. This book - the first since Mannheim to elaborate a comprehensive theory of ideology - seeks to offer a generally applicable definition, a task which of necessity involves taking issue with the logical and political implications of the conceptions in current use and which touches on central problems of politics and political science. Professor Seliger's theory is based on an approach and conceptualizations which will appeal both to ’traditionalists’ and 'behaviourists' since he gives due weight to both kinds of literature. Indeed, this book reflects throughout a detachment and independence of thought which are refreshing and opens up the way for both theorists and practising politicians to re-examine ideological tenets in the light of actual and feasible policy orientations and embark upon ideological reconstruction.

In this introduction, Kenneth Minogue discusses the development of politics from the ancient world to the twentieth century. He considers the evolution of different systems, ideological aspects and the future of political science.

Political positions in the United States today are ideologically chaotic, and there are significant prices to pay for that chaos. The nation has not reached a crisis yet in her modern political gridlock, but predicting the time when the current generation will face the difficulties of earlier times of crisis such as the Civil War, the Great Depression, or World War II is a difficult task. When that time comes, leaders who can communicate effectively to foster understanding and political unity and who can respond to a crisis with skilled direction will be a vital concern. Making Sense of Political Ideology explores the erosion of ties among ideology, language, and political action. Analyzing political language strategies, it shows how to dissect language so we can better understand a speaker's ideology. The authors define four political positions radical, liberal, conservative, reactionary and apply their techniques to contemporary issues such as the war on terrorism. They emphasize the dangers of staying trapped in political gridlock with no consensus for governmental direction and propose that the ability to identify and bridge positions can help political communicators toward constructing coalitions and building support for political action."

How do leaders perceive threat levels in world politics, and what effects do those perceptions have on policy choices? Mark L. Haas focuses on how ideology shapes perception. He does not delineate the content of particular ideologies, but rather the degree of difference among them. Degree of ideological difference is, he believes, the crucial factor as leaders decide which nations threaten and which bolster their state's security and their own domestic power. These threat perceptions will in turn impel leaders to make particular foreign-policy choices. Haas examines great-power relations in five periods: the 1790s in Europe, the Concert of Europe (1815–1848), the 1930s in Europe, Sino-Soviet relations from 1949 to 1960, and the end of the Cold War. In each case he finds a clear relationship between the degree of ideological differences that divided state leaders and those leaders' perceptions of threat level (and so of appropriate foreign-policy choices). These relationships held in most cases, regardless of the nature of the ideologies in question, the offense-defense balance, and changes in the international distribution of power.

Political Ideologies and Political Parties in America puts ideology front and center in the discussion of party coalition change. Treating ideology as neither a nuisance nor a given, the analysis describes the development of the modern liberal and conservative ideologies that form the basis of our modern political parties. Hans Noel shows that liberalism and conservatism emerged as important forces independent of existing political parties. These ideologies then reshaped parties in their own image. Modern polarization can thus be explained as the natural outcome of living in a period, perhaps the first in our history, in which two dominant ideologies have captured the two dominant political parties.

Congress is crippled by ideological conflict. The political parties are more polarized today than at any time since the Civil War. Americans disagree, fiercely, about just about everything, from terrorism and national security, to taxes and government spending, to immigration and gay marriage. Well, American elites disagree fiercely. But average Americans do not. This, at least, was the position staked out by Philip Converse in his famous essay on belief systems, which drew on surveys carried out during the Eisenhower Era to conclude that most Americans were innocent of ideology. In Neither Liberal nor Conservative, Donald Kinder and Nathan Kalmoe argue that ideological innocence applies nearly as well to the current state of American public opinion. Real liberals and real conservatives are found in impressive numbers only among those who are deeply engaged in political life. The ideological battles between American political elites show up as scattered skirmishes in the general public, if they show up at all. If ideology is out of reach for all but a few who are deeply and seriously engaged in political life, how do Americans decide whom to elect president; whether affirmative action is good or bad? Kinder and Kalmoe offer a persuasive group-centered answer. Political preferences arise less from ideological differences than from the attachments and antagonisms of group life.