K.F. Rustamji, who was chief of the Madhya Pradesh police and later founder Director General of the Border Security Force (BSF), worked as the chief security officer of Prime Minister Nehru from 1952 to 1958. Rustamji maintained a diary right from the time he joined the service in 1938 and continued in it for more than three decades. He felt he was living in stirring times and the maintenance of a diary, wherein he recorded the news and his views in great detail, would help him to be more observant. P.V. Rajgopal has edited the material collected from 1,600 pages of Rustamji’s diaries pertaining to the period he was with Pandit Nehru and brought out a first-person narrative about one of India’s greatest sons of the last century. The day-to-day record, maintained by a man whose duty demanded he be close to Nehru, depicts the portrait of the subject captured though a close-up lens, as it were. Nehru himself said, in 1960, "I know Rustamji very well." And after a pause and an enigmatic smile added, "Rustamji also knows me very well." The book depicts, in a way, why Nehru paused and then smiled.

‘Nobody has done more harm to me . . . than Jawaharlal Nehru,’ wrote Subhas Chandra Bose in 1939. Had relations between the two great nationalist leaders soured to the extent that Bose had begun to view Nehru as his enemy? But then, why did he name one of the regiments of the Indian National Army after Jawaharlal? And what prompted Nehru to weep when he heard of Bose’s untimely death in 1945, and to recount soon after, ‘I used to treat him as my younger brother’? Rudrangshu Mukherjee’s fascinating book traces the contours of a friendship that did not quite blossom as political ideologies diverged, and delineates the shadow that fell between them—for, Gandhi saw Nehru as his chosen heir and Bose as a prodigal son.

The untold story of India's Partition. The partition of India in 1947 was the only way to contain intractable religious differences as the subcontinent moved towards independence - or so the story goes. But this dramatic new history reveals previously overlooked links between British strategic interests - in the oil wells of the Middle East and maintaining access to its Indian Ocean territories - and partition. Narendra Singh Sarela reveals here how hte Great Gane against the Soviet Union cast a long shadow. The top-secret documentary evidence unearthed by the author sheds new light on several prominent figures, including Gandhi, Jinnah, Mountbatten, Churchill, Attlee, Wavell and Nerhu. This radical reassessment of one of the key events in British colonial history is important in itself, but its claim that many of the roots of Islamic terrorism sweeping the world today lie in the partition of India has much wider implications.

Helen lived like a phenomenon of nature--like a great geyser, involuntarily pouring out all it had to give. --Gerard Reuter, oboist If there were ever a success in life, it was Helen. She will always be "all about the music." --Nikhil Hutheesing, family She was innocent, adventurous, all-loving, all-trusting- she has forever enriched our family. --Vivek Hutheesing, family That beautiful radiant smile of hers--Each time we think of her, it is with joy and tears. --Gerald Robbins, pianist Such an amazing woman and friend, I can still see vividly Helen's beautiful, innocently smiling face and her sparkling eyes --Anne-Marie McDermott, pianist Helen was a major, major part of the happiest day of my life. You (Ajit) made her happiness and personal fulfillment so very, very complete. --Pamela Paul, pianist She lives on in the hearts of those who loved her. --Sonia Gandhi, family There were moments when her playing was so exquisite that the violinist and the violin were one. And we were oh-so fortunate to witness that. --Stephen Gates, friend Lord Byron wrote "The music breathing from her face." It is as though he knew Helen, for the music truly breathed from her face. --Barry Romeril, friend

Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.--George SantayanaBut for a series of major blunders by Nehru across the spectrum--it would not be an exaggeration to say that he blundered comprehensively--India would have been on a rapidly ascending path to becoming a shining, prosperous, first-world country by the end of his term, and would surely have become so by early 1980s--provided, of course, Nehru's dynasty had not followed him to power. Sadly, the Nehru era laid the foundations of India's poverty and misery, condemning it to be forever a developing, third-rate, third-world country. By chronicling those blunders, this book highlights THE FACTS BEHIND THE FACADE.This 'Revised, Enlarged & Unabridged, June-2018 Edition' of the book comprises (a)123 Major Blunders compared to 97 of the first Digital Edition of July 2016; (b)over twice the matter, and number of words; and (c)exhaustive citations and complete bibliography. Blunders is used in this book as a general term to also include failures, neglect, wrong policies, bad decisions, despicable and disgraceful acts, usurping undeserved posts, etc.It is not the intention of this book to be critical of Nehru, but historical facts, that have often been distorted or glossed over or suppressed must be known widely, lest the mistakes be repeated, and so that India has a brighter future.

This book sheds light on a neglected aspect of India's Cold War diplomacy, starting with the role of Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his Congress government in organizing the first Asian-African Conference in Bandung in April 1955. Andrea Benvenuti shows how, in the early Cold War, Nehru seized the opportunity accorded by the conference to transcend growing international tensions and pursue an alternative vision: a neutralized Asian "area of peace," underpinned by a code of conduct based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence. Relying on Indian, Western and Chinese archival sources, Nehru's Bandung focuses on the policy concerns and calculations, as well as the international factors, that drove a skeptical Nehru to support Indonesia's diplomatic push for such a gathering. It reveals how, in Nehru's estimation, Bandung also served a further important purpose--securing China's commitment to peaceful coexistence, without which stability in Asia would be illusory. Nehru's support for an Asian-African conference did not derive from an emotional commitment to Afro-Asian internationalism. Instead, it stemmed from a desire to promote a 'third way' in an increasingly polarized world, and to forge a stable regional order--one that would enhance India's external security and domestic prosperity.

"On 1 October 1949, the People's Republic of China came into being and changed forever the course of Asian history. Power moved from the hands of the nationalist Kuomintang government to the Communist Party of China headed by Mao Tse Tung. All of a sudden, it was not only an assertive China that India had to deal with but also an increasingly complex situation in Tibet which was reeling under pressure from China. Clearly, newly independent India, with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru at its helm, was navigating very choppy waters. Its relations with China progressively deteriorated, eventually leading to the Indo-China war in 1962. Today, more than six decades after the war, we are still plagued by border disputes with China that seem to routinely grab the headlines. It leads one to question what exactly went on during those initial years of the emergence of a new China"--Publisher's summary.