This is a book about how men move mountains. The description is not simply metaphorical, concerning America's astonishing feat of forging a superpower out of a continental wilderness. It also applies to an extraordinary political fight, waged for nearly a century before the outbreak of the American Revolu­tion: the battle to break beyond the long barrier of the eastern Appalachian Mountain chain, in order to colonize and develop the vast territories to the west. The vision of developing a continental republic in the New World guided America's colonists as far back as John Winthrop's founding of Massachusetts in 1630. With benefit from the experiences of Captain John Smith, whose similar hopes for such a project in Virginia had failed, Winthrop organized the Massachusetts Bay expedition as a first-stage, space colony might be organized today. He recruited all the skilled persons he could muster, in engineering, toolmaking, construction, and agriculture, to the limits of early seventeenth­ century technology. His small ships also brought hundreds of dedicated colonists and their families, to undertake a nation­-building mission that 'official' opinion of the time consid­ered impossible. Under self-governing powers of independence, the Massa­chusetts colony established an indepth, republican citizenry­ and considerable economic power, during its first half-century of existence. Its influence was spread in varying degrees throughout New England, and even into the Mid-Atlantic colonies. As colonial potentials increased for development be­yond the mountain barriers, the obstacles became less the mountains themselves, and more the combined political and military opposition of forces in both Britain and France. The story of how those obstacles were overcome is the subject of this work. A small group of colonial leaders in America, working both openly and behind the scenes, began implementing a strategy in 1710 for an American 'breakout' beyond the Appalachian and Allegheny mountains. What they accomplished was indispensable to American independence. What they inspired was the mission of nation-building, for which Americans would fight a war to ensure its being fulfilled. In the long struggle between the founding of Massachusetts and "the shot heard 'round the world" at Concord Bridge, that sense of moral purpose was repeatedly tested, yet sustained. The bold and hazardous goal of positioning the colonies to develop the West was attained during the French and Indian War, whose veterans provided much of the leadership for the American Revolution. It may seem presumptuous to describe this account as "America's Untold Story." To the author's knowledge, however, the record of the continuous effort to build a continental repub­lic, from the Puritan founders to the Founding Fathers, has never before been presented, as a coherent, ongoing strategic battle. Yet the evidence is there, that the leading figures who brought America to the point it could successfully assert its independence, had worked to establish the necessary precondi­tions all along. The evidence is similarly abundant, that a great many Americans —long before the Revolution—thoroughly detested British rule, on precisely the issue of Britain's refusal to permit any real development of the continent. In the colonists' minds, Britain's oppression was underscored by its open collusion with France to destroy colonial attempts to develop the interior. Westward colonization efforts, from New England to the Caro­linas, were instant targets for Indian massacres, typically directed by French Jesuit 'missionaries' operating from Canada­ or, on the southern flank, from French outposts in Louisiana. American efforts to remove such threats—through appeals to the monarchy for assistance, or by military measures of their own—were repeatedly betrayed by Britain's ruling circles. These political facts of life were known to generations of Ameri­cans before the Revolution.

The political observer and humorist offers evidence to prove his theory that the ideas, pastimes, and prejudices attributed to the South--including racism, conspiracy theories, and professional wrestling--have been adopted by the nation as a whole. Reprint.

While the North prevailed in the Civil War, ending slavery and giving the country a "new birth of freedom," Heather Cox Richardson argues in this provocative work that democracy's blood-soaked victory was ephemeral. The system that had sustained the defeated South moved westward and there established a foothold. It was a natural fit. Settlers from the East had for decades been pushing into the West, where the seizure of Mexican lands at the end of the Mexican-American War and treatment of Native Americans cemented racial hierarchies. The South and West equally depended on extractive industries-cotton in the former and mining, cattle, and oil in the latter-giving rise a new birth of white male oligarchy, despite the guarantees provided by the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments, and the economic opportunities afforded by expansion. To reveal why this happened, How the South Won the Civil War traces the story of the American paradox, the competing claims of equality and subordination woven into the nation's fabric and identity. At the nation's founding, it was the Eastern "yeoman farmer" who galvanized and symbolized the American Revolution. After the Civil War, that mantle was assumed by the Western cowboy, singlehandedly defending his land against barbarians and savages as well as from a rapacious government. New states entered the Union in the late nineteenth century and western and southern leaders found yet more common ground. As resources and people streamed into the West during the New Deal and World War II, the region's influence grew. "Movement Conservatives," led by westerners Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan, claimed to embody cowboy individualism and worked with Dixiecrats to embrace the ideology of the Confederacy. Richardson's searing book seizes upon the soul of the country and its ongoing struggle to provide equal opportunity to all. Debunking the myth that the Civil War released the nation from the grip of oligarchy, expunging the sins of the Founding, it reveals how and why the Old South not only survived in the West, but thrived.

“In his searing new book . . . Engelhardt has composed a requiem for a nation turned upside down by the relentless pursuit of global power” (Karen J. Greenberg, author of Rogue Justice: The Making of the Security State). As veteran author Tom Engelhardt argues, despite having a more massive, technologically advanced, and better-funded military than any other power on the planet, in the last decade and a half of constant war across the greater Middle East and parts of Africa, the United States has won nothing. Its unending wars, in fact, have only contributed to a world growing more chaotic by the second. “The violence, destruction, and suffering resulting from the imperial arrogance of Bush, Cheney, and cohorts have proceeded on their shocking course while most Americans, Tom Engelhardt writes, were ‘only half paying attention.’ Regular readers of his incisive, lucid, and brutally informative columns could not fail to pay attention and to be appalled at what was revealed. Their impact is all the more forceful in this collection, which casts a brilliant and horrifying light on a sordid chapter of history, far from closed.” —Noam Chomsky, leading public intellectual and author of Hopes and Prospects “No one has had a keener eye for American militarism, hypocrisy, and flat-out folly than Tom Engelhardt.” —John W. Dower, Pulitzer Prize–winning author of Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering “The mainstream media call it the ‘Age of Trump.’ Tom Engelhardt knows better: It’s the ‘Era of America Unhinged.’ This new collection of essays gives us Engelhardt at his very best: incisive, impassioned, and funny even, in a time of great darkness.” —Andrew J. Bacevich, New York Times–bestselling author “Tom Engelhardt is a tireless analyst of the miseries of American Empire . . . [an] indispensable book.” —Juan Cole, professor of history at the University of Michigan

The newest book by Joel Berg--an internationally recognized leader and media spokesman in the fields of hunger, poverty, food systems, and U.S. politics, and the director of Hunger Free America--America We Need to Talk: A Self-Help Book for the Nation is both a parody of relationship and self-help books and a serious analysis of the nation's political and economic dysfunction. Explaining that the most serious--and most broken--relationship is the one between us, as Americans, and our nation, the book explains how, no matter who becomes our next president, average Joes can channel their anger at our hobbled system into concrete actions that will fix our democracy, rebuild our middle class, and restore our stature in the world as a beacon of freedom and hope. Starting with the belief that it's irresponsible for Americans to blame the nation's problems solely on "the politicians" or "the system," Joel makes a case for how it's the personal responsibility of every resident of this country to fix it. The American people are in a relationship with their government and their society, and, as in all relationships, it's the responsibility of both sides to recognize and repair their problems.