Since 1945, turnout for general elections in the UK has fallen from a high of 83.9% in 1950 to a low of 59.4% in 2001. Turnout for the 2010 general election was 65.1% higher than the previous two general elections, but still the third lowest since the introduction of universal suffrage. Turnout at the last general election was also low compared with turnout at the last parliamentary elections in other European Union countries. There is also evidence that a significant number of people in the UK are not registered to vote, with the most recent estimates indicating that the electoral register was between 85 and 87% complete. This would mean that approximately 6.5 million people are missing from the electoral register. In light of this, the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee agreed to conduct an inquiry into voter registration and turnout in the UK.

This succinct, tightly-written book offers a critical examination of the key issues facing policing in modern Britain. Those issues can be summarised in the following way: how is the apparently insatiable demand by the public for more policing and better protection to be satisfied, given the continued limits on public spending; that there is concern that what the public demands may not have a significant effect on crime levels; and that further extension of police powers and the reach of the law could themselves have unwanted consequences. All these questions are posed and answered on the basis of the wealth of research and operational evidence gathered by the police service itself, the Home Office, and independent researchers.

[This convenience copy of the official report by the UK Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation, made available under OGLv3 on a cost-only basis] Modern communications networks can be used by the unscrupulous for purposes ranging from cyber-attack, terrorism and espionage to fraud, kidnap and child sexual exploitation. A successful response to these threats depends on entrusting public bodies with the powers they need to identify and follow suspects in a borderless online world. But trust requires verification. Each intrusive power must be shown to be necessary, clearly spelled out in law, limited in accordance with international human rights standards and subject to demanding and visible safeguards. The current law is fragmented, obscure, under constant challenge and variable in the protections that it affords the innocent. It is time for a clean slate. This Report aims to help Parliament achieve a world-class framework for the regulation of these strong and vital powers.

This strategy signals a radical change in the approach to irresponsible drinking and resultant criminal and anti-social behaviour and the increasing health problems created by the current levels of alcohol consumption. In 2012-11 there were nearly 1 million alcohol-related violent crimes and 1.2 million alcohol-related hospital admissions. The problem has developed because cheap alcohol is too readily available; increasing numbers of people drink at home before going on a night out ("pre-loading"); the Licensing Act failed to deliver a cafâ culture; too many places cater for people who drink to get drunk regardless of the consequences for themselves or others; and individuals who cause the problems have not been challenged enough over their behaviour. The availability of cheap alcohol will be curtailed through the introduction of a minimum unit price for alcohol. The exact level is to be agreed, but if it was 40p, it is estimated there would be 50,000 fewer crimes each year and 900 fewer alcohol-related deaths by the end of the decade. Consultations will also aim to end multi-buy promotions. Local areas and agencies will be given powers to challenge people's behaviour and make it easier to take action against, and even close down, problem premises. Other measures include early morning restriction orders and a late night levy so that businesses open late contribute to the costs of policing. The drinks industry has a crucial role to play in changing the drinking culture towards positive socialising. And the risks of excessive consumption will be widely circulated.

This report concludes that the Government is right to continue to support Turkey's accession to the European Union, as long as Ankara meets the accession criteria, and subject to the Government imposing restrictions on the right to free movement from Turkey after it joins. However, at the moment, shortcomings in Turkey's justice system are leading to human rights abuses, including as regards freedom of expression and the media, and making it harder to advocate Turkey's EU membership. Turkey's EU accession process is in any case stuck: effectively, it is hostage to the Cyprus dispute. The Committee said that, by undermining the force of EU leverage, the stalemate is having consequences that are detrimental to UK objectives in Turkey across a range of fields, including not only human rights but also energy and market access issues. The Committee found this especially regrettable given that Turkish democracy may be in a critical phase, and given the influence that Turkey may have at the moment over reforming Arab states. The Committee also said that, by creating uncertainty over the timing - if not the fact - of Turkey's EU accession, the stalemate was discouraging both the EU and Turkey from starting to address some of the most difficult issues that would be involved in Turkey's EU membership. The Government's continuing support for Turkey's EU membership has provided a strong basis for the further development of UK-Turkey bilateral relations which has significant potential. As a foreign policy partner Turkey could potentially add value to UK foreign policy