With Losing Our Democracy, Mark Green reveals how the far and religious right, a coalition of big business and, most shockingly, President Bush and his White House are in the process of undermining our democracy.

Green Republican chronicles the life of Congressman John Saylor and his personal legacy as an environmental champion. Saylor believed the wilderness was intrinsic to the American experience-that our concepts of democracy, love of country, conservation, and independence were shaped by our wilderness experiences. Through his ardent protection of national parks and diligent work to add new areas to the parks system, Saylor helped propel the American environmental movement in the three decades following Word War II. At the height of the federal dam-building program in the 1950s and 1960s, Saylor blocked efforts to erect hydroelectric dams whose impounded waters would have invaded Dinosaur National Monument and the Grand Canyon. During the energy crisis of the early 1970s, Saylor denounced attempts to open the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge to oil drilling. He was the House architect of the Wilderness Act of 1964 and the Wild and Scenic Rivers Act of 1968. Because Saylor represented a coal-mining district, he doggedly promoted the use of coal, instead of atomic or hydropower, to generate electricity, and repeatedly won the support of his constituents over thirteen terms between 1949 and 1973. But he also fervently supported legislation to purify the air and water and redeem stripped lands.Considered both a maverick and a pioneer, John Saylor won respect on both sides of the aisle because he was direct, hardworking, and passionate about conservation at a time when the cause was not popular. Environmental leaders dubbed him "St. John" because he tenaciously advocated their proposals and battled resistance by resource-use proponents.Based on extensive research and numerous interviews with Saylor's colleagues and members of the conservationist community, Thomas G. Smith assembles the remarkable story of John Saylor, arguably the leading congressional conservationist of the twentieth century, and a major force in the preservation of America's wilderness.

The Green New Deal is moving at a more rapid pace than the Government can try to stop it. We are mostly working from our homes today, we are producing far less Green House Gases, the atmosphere of the Earth and the Oceans are clearing from the centuries long attack, animals are coming back because they can breathe again and the Coronavirus is to blame. But, should we say - 'The Corona Virus can take full credit for saving our asses?' We were on a ticking time bomb where in Ten Years to maybe 20 Years TOPS, the human race would be ALL OVER - we would reach a TIPPING POINT from which we would never have been able to reverse until the temperature of our planet would have soared into unlivable hot house temperatures. Very little life would have survived and we as the most intelligent animal on the planet would have been extinct. Since Covid 19, however, and because we have been forced to stop using our cars, going onto the freeways of the world and poisoning the air as we moved about the planet, the AIR IS CLEARING and if this goes on through the summer, the virus will have given us about TWO MORE YEARS leeway until we hit the TIPPING POINT, the cliff, the final extinction of the Human Race and most likely all life forms with us. What the Green New Deal was designed to be was JUST THIS KIND OF SCENARIO but without the PANDEMIC. If it takes a Pandemic to save the Earth, I'm all for it. A few million people may have to be sacrificed and they will perish in a most horrific way since the Corona Virus SUFFOCATES its victions. BUT, this is a way to DEMONSTRATE JUST HOW ALL OF US WOULD DIE IF WE DON'T STOP POLLUTING OUR ATMOSPERHE WITH CO2. This course is for anyone who wants to learn how they can become part of the SOLUTION and help SAVE THE HUMAN RACE by continuing to live in this NEW AGE of FAR LESS CONSUMPTION. One thing the VIRUS has proven is that WE CAN ALL STAY AT HOME AND GET PAID TO BE PART OF THE SOLUTION INSTEAD OF PART OF THE PROBLEM. Yes, we will be FORCED TO continue to make sacrifices, but these sacrifices OF TODAY are NOTHING compared to the sacrifices we will have to make if we let things go much further and we find ourselves on the BRINK. Imagine having to EUTHANIZE HALF of the WORLD'S POPULATION so that the other half just has a CHANCE to survive - WHO WILL MAKE THAT DECISION. These and many other TOUGH QUESTIONS are asked and ANSWERED in this book. If you love your country and your planet equally as much - you need to JOIN this movement.

Newt Gingrich is one of the most polarizing and consequential figures in US politics. First elected to the House of Representatives in 1978, he rose from a minority party backbencher to become the first Republican Speaker of the House in forty years. Though much has been written about Gingrich, accounts of his time in Congress are incomplete and often skewed. In their book Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur, political scientists Matthew N. Green and Jeffrey Crouch draw from newly uncovered archival material, original interviews, and other data to provide a fresh and insightful look at Gingrich’s entire congressional career. Green and Crouch argue that Gingrich is best understood as a “party entrepreneur,” someone who works primarily to achieve their congressional party’s collective goals. From the moment he entered Congress, Gingrich was laser-focused on achieving two party-related objectives—a Republican majority in the House and a more conservative society—as well as greater influence for himself. Using a conceptual framework taken from theories of military strategy, the authors explain how Gingrich initially struggled because of a mismatch between his lofty goals and the resources available to him. After years of patiently cultivating allies, tempering his immediate objectives, and waiting for favorable circumstances to emerge, Gingrich finally claimed victory in 1994, with Republicans winning control of the House and electing Gingrich as Speaker. Yet while Gingrich had been creative, patient, and ultimately successful at gaining power for himself and his party, he proved ineffective at balancing his goals with the demands of the Speakership, and he resigned from Congress just four years later. Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur, the latest contribution to the Congressional Leaders series, sheds new light on a historically important congressional leader whose complicated legacy is still debated today by scholars, journalists, and politicians.

The shocking election of President Trump spawned myriad analyses and post-mortems, but they consistently underestimate the crucial role of the Tea Party on the GOP and Republican House members specifically. In Reactionary Republicanism, Bryan T. Gervais and Irwin L. Morris develop the most sophisticated analysis to date for gauging the Tea Party's impact upon the U.S. House of Representatives. They employ multiple types of data to illustrate the multi-dimensional impact of the Tea Party movement on members of Congress. Contrary to conventional wisdom, they find that Republicans associated with the Tea Party movement were neither a small minority of the Republican conference nor intransigent backbenchers. Most importantly, the invigoration of racial hostility and social conservatism among Tea Party supporters fostered the growth of reactionary Republicanism. Tea Party legislators, in turn, endeavored to aggravate these feelings of resentment via digital home styles that incorporated uncivil and aversion-inducing rhetoric. Trump fed off of this during his run, and his symbiotic relationship with Tea Party regulars has guided-and seems destined to-the trajectory of his administration.

In Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968, Heersink and Jenkins examine how National Convention politics allowed the South to remain important to the Republican Party after Reconstruction, and trace how Republican organizations in the South changed from biracial coalitions to mostly all-white ones over time. Little research exists on the GOP in the South after Reconstruction and before the 1960s. Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968 helps fill this knowledge gap. Using data on the race of Republican convention delegates from 1868 to 1952, the authors explore how the 'whitening' of the Republican Party affected its vote totals in the South. Once states passed laws to disenfranchise blacks during the Jim Crow era, the Republican Party in the South performed better electorally the whiter it became. These results are important for understanding how the GOP emerged as a competitive, and ultimately dominant, electoral party in the late-twentieth century South.