El sistema político electoral mexicano ha tenido una evolución notable a partir de 1988 con procesos de transformación y cambio, que involucraron a diferentes actores de gran importancia y provocaron la quiebra del sistema de partidos que rigió la mayor parte del siglo XX. Sin duda alguna en esta obra intentamos mostrar un resumen analítico y conceptual de todas y cada una de las reformas en la materia desde 1946 a la última reforma político electoral del año 2007, sin dejar de lado lo que consideramos necesario y urgente para el desarrollo de ésta germinal democracia.

The São Paulo Law School, the oldest institution of higher learning in Brazil, has long been the chief training center for that country’s leadership. For the members of the school’s secret Burschenschaft society, the training consisted principally in leading demonstrations for liberal causes, such as the abolition of slavery and the overthrow of the monarchy. During the Old Republic (1889–1930), the Brazilian presidency and other high posts in Rio de Janeiro were usually occupied by alumni of the powerful society, while its members in São Paulo continued to agitate for political reform. But in the 1920s, when they formed the Nationalist League and the Democratic Party, schisms resulted. Thus the Burschenschaft was weakened before the long rule of Brazil by Getúlio Vargas, starting in 1930, brought an end to the society’s influence. The role of the school in these and other historical events is carefully reviewed by Dulles before he turns to the school’s well-known resistance to the dictatorship of Vargas. That resistance, the most persistent confronting the dictator, appeared to be unified—especially when it provoked the police into shooting the students. But, as Dulles discovered when interviewing participants and consulting documents and scrapbooks of the early 1940s, the movement was characterized by heated internal strife. In the end, however, the idealism and courage of the participants and the ultimate effectiveness of the movement contributed mightily to the fall of Vargas. This book is another in Dulles’s series of narrative histories in which he gives flesh and blood to the names and breathes life into the events of twentieth-century Brazilian politics.

In the early part of the twentieth century, Argentina's Socialist Party became the largest and most effective socialist organization in Latin America. Richard J. Walter's interpretive study begins with the party's origins in the 1890s, traces its development through 1912, and then offers a comprehensive analysis of its activities and programs during the almost two decades of civilian, democratic government that ended with the military coup of 1930. His aim has been to provide a detailed case study of a Latin American political party within a specific historical context. The work gives particular attention to the nature of party leadership, internal party organization, attempts to win the support of the Argentine working class, party activities in national elections and the National Congress, and internal disputes and divisions. In discussing these topics, Walter draws heavily on government documents, including national and municipal censuses, ministerial reports, and the Argentine Congressional Record. He also makes extensive use of national and party newspapers and journals, political memoirs, and collections of essays by party leaders. Walter concludes that the party enjoyed relative electoral and legislative success because of efficient organization, capable leadership, and specific, well-reasoned programs. On the other hand, it failed to create a firm working-class base or to extend its influence much beyond Buenos Aires, mainly because of its inability to relate adequately to the needs of the proletariat and to the growth of nationalist sentiment. The analysis of these successes and failures also provides an important background for understanding the rise to power of Juan Perón and Peronism.

This book presents two systems of censorship and literary promotion, revealing how literature can be molded to support authoritarian regimes. The issue is complex in that at a descriptive level the strategies and methods new states use to control communication through the written word can be judged by how and when formal decrees were issued, and how publishing media, whether in the form of publishing companies or at the individual level, engaged with political overseers. But equally, literature was a means of resistance against an authoritarian regime, not only for writers but for readers as well. From the point of view of historical memory and intellectual history, stories of people without history and the production of their texts through the literary underground can be constructed from subsequent testimony: from books sold in secret, to the writings of women in jail, to books that were written but never published or distributed in any way, and to myriad compelling circumstances resulting from living under fascist authority. A parallel study on two fascist movements provides a unique viewpoint at literary, social and political levels. Comparative analysis of literary censorship/literary reward allows an understanding of the balance between dictatorship, official policy, and what literary acts were deemed acceptable. The regime need to control its population is revealed in the ways that a particular type of literature was encouraged; in the engagement of propoganda promotion; and in the setting up of institutions to gain international acceptance of the regime. The work is an important contribution to the history of twentieth-century authoritarianism and the development fascist ideas.

Paraguay is an under-examined, but remarkably fascinating country, where war, dictatorship, and elite capture have produced cycles of popular mobilization and repression. Yet, its social movements are less known to international audiences. This book analyzes Paraguay’s principal social movements since the transition to democracy and examines how, in the context of a weak state, authoritarian political elite, and a deficient democratization process, they contribute to progressive policy, socio-economic development, and democracy. Using critical perspectives in sociology, anthropology, geography, and political science, we bring together scholars, activists, and practitioners of social critique and community organizing. They reflect on movements involving peasant, indigenous and agrarian rights to land and livelihoods, LGBTQ and feminist struggles, labor union struggles, and student demands for access to quality education and social development, while exploring how the particularisms of Paraguay result in differences from other Latin American movements and how overarching regional tendencies may explain the similarities. This volume is the first English-language book on social movements in Paraguay. As such, it aims to provide a deeper understanding Paraguay’s principal social movements since the transition to democracy. This volume contributes to analyzing how social movements within the context of aweak state, authoritarian political elite, and a deficient democratization process contribute to progressive public policy, socio-economic development, and democracy. In addition, this book focuses on how Paraguayan social movements are similar to or different from their Latin American counterparts, how the particularism of Paraguay explains these variations and how overarching regional tendencies explain the similarities. The contribution of this volume is twofold: to provide new empirical examples in the study of Latin American social movements and their contribution to development and democracy, as well as to validate or challenge social movement theories by employing empirical studies of Paraguayan social movements. Each chapter delves into the background to a specific movement, while closely analyzing the movement in the post-Lugo era (2012-2021). Together the chapters in this book contribute to a better understanding of social movements in Paraguay and Latin America thus dialoguing with the existing literature and social movement theories and considering how such studies can further our understanding of social movements in Paraguay and in Latin America in general. Finally, the study of different social movements within the Paraguayan context takes into consideration the links that each movement has forged with other such movements in Latin America, including the contributions that Paraguayan social movements have made to regional networks.

This edited volume provides strategies for reducing inequality and promoting human development through the use of innovative digital technology and the adoption of new bioethical principles for governance. The book is structured around a series of practical proposals which can be adapted to different circumstances, countries, and political systems. Written by an interdisciplinary panel of international researchers and professionals, each chapter details a proposal for a policy—new social technology, Green Deals, robust social assistance—that will move society forward towards a sustainable, digital, and equitable future. Researchers across multiple disciplines--public administration, cognitive technology, E-learning, finance, philosophy of economy, agronomics, forest engineering, bioethics and education—will find this volume a useful reference.