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No political parties of present-day Germany are separated by a wider gulf than the two parties of labor, one democratic and reformist, the other totalitarian and socialist-revolutionary. Social Democrats and Communists today face each other as bitter political enemies across the front lines of the Cold War; yet they share a common origin in the Social Democratic Party of Imperial Germany. How did they come to go separate ways? By what process did the old party break apart? How did the prewar party prepare the ground for the dissolution of the labor movement in World War I, and for the subsequent extension of Leninism into Germany? To answer these questions is the purpose of Carl Schorske's study.

On November 15, 1959, an extraordinary conference of the German Social Democratic Party adopted a new program, one which departed abruptly from the party's ninety-year tradition. One year later, on November 25, 1960, the party conference in regular session applauded the party's new "team," a group of personable candidates headed by Willy Brandt. In the fall of 1961, this team, with Brandt as chancellor candidate, led the SPD in a campaign based on the most modern techniques, many copied frankly from the American presidential campaign of the previous year. This three-fold change of program, leadership, and style was unlike any other in the party's long evolution. I t was the culmination of a conscious effort to adapt the party to chang ing times, an effort, in short, to modernize socialism. This development is of obvious interest to the observer of postwar West German politics. The SPD, oldest and formerly strongest of the German political parties, after 1949 became the second party in an essentially three-party system. As such it assumed the unhappy role of apparently perpetual opposition. Its escape from the role would depend to a large extent on the appeal of the new package offered the German voter. The success or failure of the party's effort of modern ization would thus greatly affect the subsequent course of German politics.

The fall of the West German government in 1982 ended the 13-year rule of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) as the senior coalition partner under Chancellors Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt. In perpetual opposition from 1949 to 1966, the Social Democrats finally entered the government as the junior coalition party in 1966; three years later they assumed primary responsibility for guiding the nation. The central theme of this detailed examination of the SPD during its years of governance is that social and economic forces in the nation had a major effect, often unsettling, on the party at a time when it had achieved the pinnacle of political power. Significant changes in the party's organization, membership, leadership, factionalism, ideology, and voter support limited its role within the political system (in the executive and legislative branches) and its influence on domestic and foreign policies. Yet, its ability to remain in power for a comparatively long period attests to its strength and respectability among the voting public. Dr. Gerard Braunthal draws on a wealth of documentation, some unpublished, located primarily in German archives and libraries. In addition, he interviewed more than 120 persons, ranging from the top SPD leaders to staff officials, members, and other specialists, to gain a greater understanding of a party that is one of the most powerful in Western Europe and in the social democratic world, and whose organization has been a model of the twentieth-century mass party.

Originally published in 1981, this book covers the development of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) from its inception to the end of the Weimar republic. Within a historical framework it analyses the role and operation of the SPD in the changing social and political climate of Germany and describes the party’s internal struggles throughout the period. The party continually debated its aims and the means to achieve them. Conducted by people such as Kautsky, Bernsteina dn Rosa Luxemburg, with close links to Marx, Engels and other leaders of the international socialist movement, this debate within the party was one of the most fundamental socialist controversies, whose relevance remains today.