Against the backdrop of a politically approved view that Europeans did little to further the Zimbabwean nationalist freedom movements before Independence in 1980, this book will help to nail that misconception against a wall.The story of Garfield Todd and his various roles as Christian missionary, liberal prime minister of southern Rhodesia, high-profile opponent of UDI and its architect Ian Smith from 1965 to 1980, will surely be an eye-opener for many young people in central and southern Africa, who may never have heard of this great man who spent his life in education and public service. The role of Garfield Todd and some of the people who worked with him has been effectively airbrushed from the pages of the official Zimbabwean story. Why? is the question. Susan Woodhouse gives us the answer by telling the story of a small but influential group of men and women who dared swim against the racial current in Africa after the Second World War. Its a story told with warmth, personal insight and often great humour. This Edinburgh-based author, who Sir Garfield said knew the Todds better than anyone else, has introduced a small but dedicated group of long forgotten activists toa new generation of readers.

"This book is about southern Africa's long walk to freedom, about the overturning of colonial rule in the northern territories and the dissolution of backs-to-the-wall white settler suzerainty first in what became Zimbabwe and then in South Africa. Chapters on the individual countries detail the stages along their sometimes complicated and tortuous struggle to attain the political New Zion. We learn how and why the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland failed, how and why apartheid eventually collapsed, and exactly how the various components of this heavily white conquered and later white oppressed domain transitioned via diverse fits and starts into today's assemblage of proud, politically-charged, and still mostly fragmented nation-states. But what did the new republics make of their hard won freedoms? That is the subject of more than half of this book. Having liberated themselves successfully, several soon dismantled democratic safeguards, established effective single-party states, closed their economies, deprived citizens of human rights and civil liberties, and exchanged economic progress for varieties of central planning experiments and stunted forms of protected economic endeavors. Only Botswana, of the new entities, embraced full democracy and good governance. The others, even South Africa, at first tightly regimented their economies and attempted severely to limit the degrees of economic freedom and social progress that citizens could enjoy. Corruption prevailed everywhere except Botswana. Today, as the chapters on contemporary southern Africa reveal, most of the southern half of the African continent is returning, if sometimes struggling, to return to the patterns probity and good governance that many countries abandoned in the decades after independence. Now there is a resurgence of high performance, which this book celebrates"--

This book takes the transnational history of southern Africa’s liberation struggles in an innovative direction. It provides one of the first targeted studies of the manner in which the wider process of African decolonisation shaped the political struggle for control of Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe). It offers an in-depth survey of the repercussions of pan-African developments on national-level political thought amidst one of the most seminal moments of the continent’s history. The book draws on over a year of fieldwork in southern Africa as well as archival collections in the USA and UK to explore the seismic re-alignments that occurred in the white settler dominated territory in southern Africa as self-determination became a widely accepted international principle virtually overnight. In particular, it focuses on the impact of decolonisation struggles and/or independence in Ghana, Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Malawi on Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle. In so doing, it also offers new context on the roots of contemporary repression in Zimbabwe.

As I look back, I am happy that I have lived for so long. It is a happiness shared by many: family members, friends and colleagues. Cephas Msipas memoirs take us back to his birth in Zvishavane in 1931, and they reflect a life dedicated to the welfare of others and the development of his country. Following secondary education at Dadaya Mission, he worked as a teacher in Zvishavane and Kwekwe, where he was active in the Rhodesian African Teachers Association, before moving to Harare in 1958. It was a time of rising nationalism in the capital, and following the banning of the African National Congresss and its successor, the National Democratic Party, Msipa was a founding member of ZAPU, the Zimbabwean African Peoples Union. Thus began an engagement with national politics that would last until he was in his late seventies, furthering his education as a political detainee and, after independence had been won, serving as a deputy minister, minister and provincial governor. The narrative of his life follows the arc of Zimbabwes history, and embraces the people and events that have shaped it. Beyond that, it is the story of a gentle, humorous, committed man who enjoyed a long and loving marriage and continues to fill his retirement with philanthropy and wide-ranging friendships.

Abstract: "The early years of Zimbabwe2019s independence were blighted by conflict and bloodshed, culminating in the Gukurahundi massacres of 1983 and 1984. Historian Stuart Doran explores these events in unprecedented detail, drawing on thousands of previously unpublished documents, including classified records from Mugabe2019s Central Intelligence Organisation, apartheid South Africa, the United Kingdom, the United States, Australia and Canada."

What did the future hold for Rhodesia's white population at the end of a bloody armed conflict fought against settler colonialism? Would there be a place for them in newly independent Zimbabwe? PIONEERS, SETTLERS, ALIENS, EXILES sets out the terms offered by Robert Mugabe in 1980 to whites who opted to stay in the country they thought of as their home. The book traces over the next two decades their changing relationshipwith the country when the post-colonial government revised its symbolic and geographical landscape and reworked codes of membership. Particular attention is paid to colonial memories and white interpellation in the official account of the nation's rebirth and indigene discourses, in view of which their attachment to the place shifted and weakened. As the book describes the whites' trajectory from privileged citizens to persons of disputed membership and contested belonging, it provides valuable background information with regard to the land and governance crises that engulfed Zimbabwe at the start of the twenty-first century.