An examination of the extent to which Nasser's 1952 coup d'etat brought about significant changes in the basic social, political and cultural structures of Egypt.

This book deals with the history of Egypt in the 20th Century, which is immensely fascinating and stimulating. Egypt begins the 20th Century as a province of the Ottoman Empire, with her finance under the dual-control of Britain and France and her administration under the control of Britain. This complicated political and financial system eliminates the power of Egyptians to govern themselves. However, there are two main events that contribute to changes in the history of Egypt; the 1919 Revolution makes Egypt a semi-independent State, and the 1952 Revolution awards her full sovereignty, abolishes the monarchy, and declares Egypt a Republic. During World War I and World War II, Egypt becomes the principal Ally to Britain in the Middle East, whereas during the Cold War, Egypt faces intense political and economical pressure from both the Eastern and Western blocs. Egypt also has to fight four wars against Israel, however, she surprises the whole world when President Sadat of Egypt visits Jerusalem in 1977, and signs a peace treaty with Israel in 1979.

The creation of the Egyptian monarchy in 1922, under King Fuad II, opened contests and debates over fundamental cultural questions, particularly definitions of Egyptian modernity, rule and identity. Here, James Whidden looks at the political, cultural and intellectual landscapes of Egypt between the wars, from the nationalist agitations for independence in 1919, the rise of the Wafd - first under Saad Zaghul and then Mustafa El-Nahas Pasha - and the rise and fall of different political and power brokers in the period such as Abd al-Latif al-Makkabati or Abd al-Khaliq Tharwa. Whidden therefore focuses on the different interpretations of the nature of Egyptian politics, highlighting the ways in which patriotism and elitism, Islam and tradition, colonial manipulations, and ideological politics combine. In particular, he examines how monarchists, like Zaki Fahmi and Diaeddine Saleh, attempted to neutralise opponents through cultural works, patronage and political party contests. The period under examination was to a large extent defined by the 'revolution' of 1919 and the constitutional and electoral processes that followed. The sectors of society involved in this were the effendiyya and the notables - such as Zaghul. But these were soon dominated by the monarch, as the Wafd party allied with the king. Bearing this in mind, Whidden examines how these notables attempts to mobilise the people in revolutionary activity, electoral contest and the formation of political party organization in this period. Although a 'liberal constitution' was written by an appointed constitutional commission in 1923, Whidden argues that the disagreements it occasioned suggest that politics in the interwar period was very much an attempt to redefine or rewrite that constitution to the differing assumptions of liberal, nationalists and monarchists. Monarchy and Modernity in Egypt is thus a vital resource for those interested in Middle East history, as well as intellectual developments within the region.

*Includes pictures *Includes footnotes and a bibliography for further reading "Our path to Palestine will not be covered with a red carpet or with yellow sand. Our path to Palestine will be covered with blood... In order that we may liberate Palestine, the Arab nation must unite, the Arab armies must unite, and a unified plan of action must be established." - Nasser Gamal Abdel Nasser has been called many things. The father of modern-day Egypt. The founder of Arab nationalism. The leader of the Egyptian Revolution. The second president of the Egyptian Republic. The creator of his own brand of political and social governance - Nasserism. Anthony Eden, the former British Prime Minister, called him the "Mussolini of the Nile." Nasser was all of these things and much more. Indeed, he led the revolution that overthrew the monarchy of Egypt and subsequently shaped and led the new Egyptian government. He became a prominent regional and world leader, playing a significant role in the Non-Alignment Movement that he co-founded, formed during the midst of the Cold War. He led his country toward modernization and industrialization, implementing social and economic reforms focused on strengthening the nation and improving the lives of the people. Yet, Nasser's legacy goes beyond state governance and policies; his name, to this day, evokes great emotion among Egyptians and much of the Arab world. His funeral in 1970 drew millions of mourners and an outpouring of genuine grief across the Arab world. Nasser continues to remain an iconic figure in the region, symbolizing Arab dignity, pride, and unity. In addition to working to carve a path for a new Egypt, Nasser aimed to help the rest of the Arab nations of the Middle East by uniting the historically uncooperative Arab countries and encouraging them to act as a united front. Nasser was not the first to see that Arab countries more often than not had much in common, including resources, political policies, and social structures, but he was the first to take action and work to get the Arab countries to work together. The concept of pan-Arabism that Nasser furthered during his presidency had lasting impact on the region that continued decades after his death. As such, Gamal Abdel Nasser made a significant mark on the regional and global politics of the 20th century. Though not many were his supporters, and fewer were his friend, all were aware of his influence and capabilities. Many of the other Arab leaders of the region feared him for his eloquence and his ability to inspire millions using only words, whether written or spoken; they were afraid he would incite their own populations to revolt. In other areas of the world, the British sought ways to reestablish their dominance over the Egyptian government, the Soviets worried that their friendship with Nasser had a deadline, and the Americans worried that Nasser would turn all of the Middle East against them. And the greatest anxiety over Egypt was held by the Israelis, who feared that Nasser was the one leader who could truly unite the Arab nations against them. But everyone, from his friends and supporters to his enemies, acknowledged and respected his bravery, idealism, and devotion to his country and people. Gamal Abdel Nasser: The Life and Legacy of Egypt's Second President examines the life and legacy of one of the Middle East's most influential leaders, from his early life and military career to his role in the 1952 revolution. This book also explores his turbulent presidency and his lasting legacy. Along with a bibliography and pictures of important people, places, and events, you will learn about Nasser like never before, in no time at all.

The oldest of human institutions, monarchy has been tried in a range of variations through the ages. The absolute power of kings and emperors gave way to constitutional monarchy before losing popularity in the modern age. This compelling guide traces the history of monarchs as early as ancient Egypt, through ancient Rome, the Middle Ages, Early Modern Europe, and the decline of monarchies as more than figureheads in the early twentieth century. Inscriptions, artwork, documents, and more bring color and comprehension to this ancient form of government.

Telling a new story of modern Egypt, Mohammad Salama uses textual and cinematic sources to construct a clear and accessible narrative of the dynamics of Islam and culture in the first half of the twentieth century. The conflict between tradition and secular values in modern Egypt is shown in a stimulating and challenging new light as Salama bridges analysis of nationalism and its connection to Islamism, and outlines the effects of secular education versus traditional Islamic teaching on varied elements of Egyptian society. These include cultural production, politics, economic, identity, and gender relations. All of this helps to discern the harbingers that led to Egypt's social transition from the monarchy to the republic and opens the possibility of Islam as an inspiring and inspirational force. This illuminating, provocative and informative study will be of use to anyone interested in the period, whether general readers, students, or researchers.