From Senegal in the west to the Comoros islands in the east, this collection of essays casts a critical eye over fifty years of 'independence' in former French colonial possessions of Africa and the Indian Ocean. With methods and perspectives that cross traditional disciplinary barriers, Contesting Historical Divides in Francophone Africa proposes fresh insights into the process of decolonisation in this part of the world.

This collection of essays casts a critical eye over fifty years of independence in former French colonial possessions of Africa and the Indian Ocean.

This book explores foreign policy developments in post-colonial Africa. A continental foreign policy is a tenuous proposition, yet new African states emerged out of armed resistance and advocacy from regional allies such as the Bandung Conference and the League of Arab States. Ghana was the first Sub-Saharan African country to gain independence in 1957. Fourteen more countries gained independence in 1960 alone, and by May 1963, when the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed, 30 countries were independent. An early OAU committee was the African Liberation Committee (ALC), tasked to work in the Frontline States (FLS) to support independence in Southern Africa. Pan-Africanists, in alliance with Brazzaville, Casablanca and Monrovia groups, approached continental unity differently, and regionalism continued to be a major feature. Africa’s challenges were often magnified by the capitalist-democratic versus communist-socialist bloc rivalry, but through Africa’s use and leveraging of IGOs – the UN, UNDP, UNECA, GATT, NIEO and others – to advance development, the formation of the African Economic Community, OAU’s evolution into the AU and other alliances belied collective actions, even as Africa implemented decisions that required cooperation: uti possidetis (maintaining colonial borders), containing secession, intra- and inter-state conflicts, rebellions and building RECs and a united Africa as envisioned by Pan Africanists worked better collectively.

The entwined histories of Blacks and Indians defy easy explanation. From Ghanaian protests over Gandhi statues to American Vice President Kamala Harris's story, this relationship--notwithstanding moments of common struggle--seethes with conflicts that reveal how race reverberates throughout the modern world. Shobana Shankar's groundbreaking intellectual history tackles the controversial question of how Africans and Indians make and unmake their differences. Drawing on archival and oral sources from seven countries, she traces how economic tensions surrounding the Indian diaspora in East and Southern Africa collided with widening Indian networks in West Africa and the Black Atlantic, forcing a racial reckoning over the course of the twentieth century. While decolonization brought Africans and Indians together to challenge Euro-American white supremacy, discord over caste, religion, sex and skin color simmered beneath the rhetoric of Afro-Asian solidarity. This book examines the cultural movements, including Pan-Africanism and popular devotionalism, through which Africans and Indians made race consciousness, alongside economic cooperation, a moral priority. Yet rising wealth and nationalist amnesia now threaten this postcolonial ethos. Calls to dismantle statues, from Dakar to Delhi, are not mere symbolism. They express new solidarities which seek to salvage dissenting histories and to preserve the possibility of alternative futures

A cultural, military and imperial history of the Black soldiers of Britain's West India Regiments.

Informed by witness testimonies, Eurafrican Migration details how the perilous journeys undertaken by irregular migrants are enabled by complex networks of guides during the Sahara phase, and explores the relationship between migrants and the criminal groups who arrange for them to be transported across the sea to southern Europe.

When The Gambia achieved its independence from Great Britain on 18 February 1965, as mainland Africa’s smallest state, its future seemed uncertain. It retained this status for nearly 30 years, An attempted coup d’état in July 1981 was put down, but, ironically, when other African states were returning to democratic government, Gambian democracy finally succumbed to a military coup on 22 July 1994. While civilian rule was restored in 1996, full democracy was not and a number of subsequent presidential and parliamentary elections have been far from free and fair, while The Gambia’s human rights record has been very poor since 1994. This fifth edition of Historical Dictionary of The Gambia contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 700 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about The Gambia.