China’s foreign policy in the Arab world is important because it reflects China’s general foreign policy. In this study, first published in 1981, the author draws upon a wealth of previously unpublished and inaccessible material to analyse Chinese attitudes in three cases: the two Arab liberation movements, the Palestine Resistance Movement and the Popular Front for the Liberation of the Oman, and the established and independent State of Kuwait. Since the Arab liberation movements played a significant political role within their fields of operation, it was necessary for China to decide whether these movements did actually fit in with Chinese foreign policy objectives. Dr Behbehani’s analysis of these two case studies provides the basis for a discussion of whether China’s motives in supporting the liberation movements are theoretical or purely practical. China’s support for Kuwait’s political internal continuity is related to the stability of the whole Gulf region. The author analyses Chinese support for Kuwait and the surrounding conservative states on two main bases, political and economic, in the form of trade. It is through these channels, particularly the economic one, that China has sought to establish itself in the Gulf and the Arabian peninsula.

This book examines how the rise of China has influenced its cross-regional foreign policy toward non-Arab countries in the Middle East between 2001 and 2011. Analyzing contemporary international crises in the Middle East such as the Iran nuclear crisis, the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, and the Cyprus question, the volume draws on daily newspapers published in Chinese, Turkish, and English and official documents as primary sources. The examined period is critical to understand China’s aggressive and more attractive foreign policy dynamism in the following years. All the bilateral relations China has developed in the Middle East during these years was a preparation for the next big step toward China’s rising influence in the region and the world. Utilizing the framework of debates on the rise of China in international relations literature, the volume focuses on political, economic, and military aspects of the power transition. Claiming that China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East can be defined as "active pragmatism," the "non-Arab" conceptualization provides a new understanding of China’s traditional Middle Eastern foreign policies. The study assesses fieldwork carried out in Beijing and Shanghai, and Chinese sources that are critical in understanding both official and academic perspectives. The book is a key resource for students, academics and analysts interested in China and the Middle East relations, foreign policy, and politics, as well as for contemporary political historians.

China’s foreign policy in the Arab world is important because it reflects China’s general foreign policy. In this study, first published in 1981, the author draws upon a wealth of previously unpublished and inaccessible material to analyse Chinese attitudes in three cases: the two Arab liberation movements, the Palestine Resistance Movement and the Popular Front for the Liberation of the Oman, and the established and independent State of Kuwait. Since the Arab liberation movements played a significant political role within their fields of operation, it was necessary for China to decide whether these movements did actually fit in with Chinese foreign policy objectives. Dr Behbehani’s analysis of these two case studies provides the basis for a discussion of whether China’s motives in supporting the liberation movements are theoretical or purely practical. China’s support for Kuwait’s political internal continuity is related to the stability of the whole Gulf region. The author analyses Chinese support for Kuwait and the surrounding conservative states on two main bases, political and economic, in the form of trade. It is through these channels, particularly the economic one, that China has sought to establish itself in the Gulf and the Arabian peninsula.

This handbook brings together a mix of established and emerging international scholars to provide valuable analytical insights into how China’s growing Middle East presence affects intra-regional development, trade, security, and diplomacy. As the largest extra-regional economic actor in the Middle East, China is the biggest source of foreign direct investment into the region and the largest trading partner for most Middle Eastern states. This portends a larger role in political and security affairs, as the value of Chinese assets combined with a growing expatriate population in the region demands a more proactive role in contributing to regional order. Exploring the effect of these developments, the expert contributors also consider the reverberations in great power politics, as the United States, Russia, India, Japan, and the European Union also have considerable interests in the region. The book is divided into four sections: • Historical and policy context • State and regional case studies • Trade and development • International relations, security, and diplomacy. This volume is an essential reference for scholars and policy-makers in the fields of international relations, political sociology, international political economy, and foreign policy analysis. Area studies specialists in Middle Eastern Studies, China Studies, and East Asian Studies will also find it an invaluable resource.

This book examines China’s relations with member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council. It highlights the depth of China’s ties with the region bilaterally and multilaterally on a five-dimensional approach: political relations, trade relations, energy security, security cooperation, and cultural relations. Regarding each of these criteria, the GCC countries enjoy a strategic significance to China’s national security, vital interests, territorial integrity, sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity. China has been an integral part of the political developments on the Arabian Gulf scene since the 1950s. Their bilateral ties have grown steadily since the Economic Reform Era, culminating in strategic partnership two decades later. China and its Arab Gulf partners have embarked on an ambitious economic cooperation that includes joint ventures in oil upstreaming and downstreaming, mammoth highway and railroad projects, construction projects, and above all, strategic security coordination in reference to security threats. Both sides are also engaged in a process of revival of the Silk Road within the Belt and the Road framework. Sino-Gulf bilateral trade relations reached $159,419.20 billion in 2014. The two sides aim to increase it to $600 billion by 2020, a goal within reach given the fact that they are concluding the China-GCC Free Trade Agreement, which will transform their bilateral ties.

As the United States slowly disengages from the Middle East and Europe faces internal challenges, a new actor is quietly exerting greater influence across North Africa: China. Beijing's growing footprint in North Africa encompasses, but is not limited to, trade, infrastructure development, ports, shipping, financial cooperation, tourism and manufacturing. It is continuing to expand its co-operation with North African countries, not only in the economic and cultural spheres, but also those of diplomacy and defence. This engagement with North Africa relates to the key aim of President Xi Jinping's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which wants to connect Asia, Africa and Europe and sees potential in North Africa's strategic geographic location. This book is the first to analyse China's role in North Africa. It comprises of five leading country experts - Anouar Boukhars, Yahia Zoubir, Sarah Yerkes, Tareki Magresi and Nael Shama – who examine the various socio-economic, political and security aspects of China's relationship with Algeria, Morocco, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt. The book explores how China is displaying a development model that seeks to combine authoritarianism with economic growth, a model and that has an eager audience among regimes across the MENA region. It reveals how the China-North Africa relationship fits within the broader dynamics of increasing China-US rivalry. In doing so, contributors explain why China's growing role in North Africa is likely to have far-reaching economic and geopolitical consequences for both countries in the region and around the world.

This manuscript examines relations between China and the Middle East in historical context. It highlights some of the most important events that characterize the ties between China and the Middle East, and examines their relationship in key areas that include energy, trade, arms sales, culture and politics. The centre of China's relations with Israel is arms sales and advanced technology, while the core of Sino-Saudi relations is oil. Iran and China are tied with deep historical, civilizational, cultural and political relations, but China's current interests in Iran centre on oil. Relations between China and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) centre on trade. The UAE serve as a primary hub for Chinese business corporations not only in the Gulf or the wider Middle East, but also in Africa and the world. China's relations with Algeria have been based on political co-ordination since the early days of the Algerian War of Independence and the early days of the People's Republic of China. China provided Algeria with political, diplomatic and military support to accomplish its national liberation from France. Since then, their partnership has developed. Finally, the book develops a tridimensional approach in which China's ties with Middle Eastern countries are viewed as an outcome of interaction between three actors in each situation. The book reaches the conclusion that China's national interests in the Middle East are only increasing, and it is anticipated that Sino-Middle Eastern relations and strategic partnerships will be enhanced in the near future, provided that China is not perceived as undermining the Arab Spring. Key Features Offers an in-depth analysis of Chinese-Middle Eastern relations Assists students and scholars in understanding the uniqueness of the Chinese model of engagement in the Middle East Explains why most Middle Easterners prefer China's engagement to Western engagement Explores the future of Sino-Middle Eastern relations