When Malaysian Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, paid an official visit to China in May 1974, it secured Malaysia a place in the annals of regional diplomatic history as the first ASEAN country to establish full diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China. This book analyses the process of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China, and provides a detailed explanation and understanding of the decision- making process in Malaysia. Shedding light on the roles played by the various principal actors in the process of foreign policy formulation and the influences - both internal and external – that shaped Malaysia’s behaviour, the book highlights why Malaysia decided to pursue a policy of normalisation with China, culminating in the visit in 1974, and in particular why it became the first ASEAN country to establish diplomatic relations with the Chinese. After Malaysia’s recognition of Beijing, two other ASEAN states followed suit, namely Thailand and the Philippines, and the book discusses whether there was some degree of policy coordination amongst ASEAN countries in dealing with China, or if both these countries gave way for Malaysia to be the first. The book also looks at the policy debates within some ASEAN countries regarding relations with China, either conducted officially or unofficially, bilaterally or otherwise. This book will be of interest to scholars of Asian Politics, Asian History, International Relations and Foreign Policy.

When Malaysian Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, paid an official visit to China in May 1974, it secured Malaysia a place in the annals of regional diplomatic history as the first ASEAN country to establish full diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China. This book analyses the process of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China, and provides a detailed explanation and understanding of the decision- making process in Malaysia. Shedding light on the roles played by the various principal actors in the process of foreign policy formulation and the influences - both internal and external – that shaped Malaysia’s behaviour, the book highlights why Malaysia decided to pursue a policy of normalisation with China, culminating in the visit in 1974, and in particular why it became the first ASEAN country to establish diplomatic relations with the Chinese. After Malaysia’s recognition of Beijing, two other ASEAN states followed suit, namely Thailand and the Philippines, and the book discusses whether there was some degree of policy coordination amongst ASEAN countries in dealing with China, or if both these countries gave way for Malaysia to be the first. The book also looks at the policy debates within some ASEAN countries regarding relations with China, either conducted officially or unofficially, bilaterally or otherwise. This book will be of interest to scholars of Asian Politics, Asian History, International Relations and Foreign Policy.

This book examines state-state relations and new forms of state business relations that have emerged with an increase in China’s foreign direct investments in Malaysia. Focusing on investments in the industrial sector and through in-depth case studies, this book adopts a novel framework to analyse these different types of state-business relations. These new forms of state-business relations are created from the different modes of negotiations between different key actors in each of the cases. Diverse outcomes were found, reflecting the disparate forms of power relationships and state cohesiveness with unique institutional architectures formed in each case. The book identifies a major shift in structural power in these new forms of state-business relations as China’s large multinational state-owned enterprises increasingly invest in Malaysia. A well-constructed institutional architecture is needed, not just in Malaysia but for other Southeast Asian countries, if foreign investments are to be harnessed to promote effective industrial development.

Distinguished experts explain the economic trends and varied political goals at work in Southeast Asia. With China’s emergence as a powerful entity in Southeast Asia, the region has become an unlikely site of conflict between two of the world’s great powers. The United States, historically regarded as the protector of Pacific Southeast Asia—consisting of nations such as Vietnam, the Philippines, Myanmar, and Malaysia—is now called upon to respond to what many would consider bullying on the part of the Chinese. These and other countries have become the economic and political engine of China. While certainly inclined to help the country’s former allies, the United States has grown undeniably closer to China in the recent decades of global interconnected economic growth. China, the United States, and the Future of Southeast Asia uncovers and delves into the complicated dynamics of this situation. Covering topics such as the controversial response to human rights violations, the effects of global economic interconnectedness, and contested sovereignty over resource-rich islands, this volume provides a modern and nuanced perspective on the state of the region. For anyone interested in understanding the evolving global balance of power, China, the United States, and the Future of Southeast Asia illuminates how countries as different as Thailand and Indonesia see the growing competition between Beijing and Washington.

First published in 1998. In this study what is proposed here is first of all to examine the effect it had on the very functioning of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and how the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution, of which the country had become a victim, spilled over to this highly elitist and prestigious Ministry. In summary, it focuses on the chaos that engulfed the institution.

Tells the story of China's struggles to overcome new risks and endure the global backlash against its assertive reach. Combining on-the-ground reportage with analysis, Luke Patey argues that China's predatory economic agenda, headstrong diplomacy, and military expansion undermine its global ambitions to dominate the global economy and world affairs